Showing posts sorted by date for query mohler. Sort by relevance Show all posts
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Tuesday, June 22, 2021

As Goes the SBC...?

Where’s all the people?

Ed Litton is now President of the Southern Baptist Convention.  What that means depends on who you ask.  National Review (the house organ of the late, unlamented racist William F. Buckley) calls him a "turtle on a fence post," although that's not the criticism I took it to be (turns out it's from a sermon by Litton).  Indeed, NR seems approving:

“If you look throughout Scripture, whether it was Joseph or Esther or Nehemiah or Ezra or especially Daniel, God took every one of those people in as servants, and that’s the picture we need to get,” he told me. “It’s counterintuitive,” he said, but he believes that, “as we go into our cities and serve, God raises our influence so that we can speak truth to power at just the right moment.”

That's fine; I'm not here to argue with him, anyway.  Arizona Central calls him a "reconciler," and notes there is much reconciliation to do:

Late last year, the Rev. Joel A. Bowman Sr. announced he was leaving the SBC following a statement from Southern Baptist seminary presidents rejecting critical race theory. 

The presidents wrote that they "stand together on historic Southern Baptist condemnations of racism in any form" but added their belief that critical race theory is "incompatible with the Baptist Faith & Message."

Bowman, who is one of several Black pastors who have left the denomination in recent years, said in a tweet that the SBC has "no credibility on the issue of racism."  

Frankly, I don't see a lot of reconciling over coming together on that issue, but I don't single out the SBC on that.  I'd say that about any group of white Americans.  If you're interested in the horse race:

Litton, the longtime pastor of Redemption Church in Saraland, Alabama, a congregation with 3,900 members, was considered a long shot in the presidential race. Two other candidates — Georgia pastor Mike Stone, a leader among critics of current SBC leaders, and Southern Baptist Theological Seminary President Al Mohler — had been considered the favorites.

Mohler was knocked out during the first round of ballots, receiving about a quarter of votes. In a runoff, Litton got 52% of the vote, and Stone got close to 48%. 

The point being Litton won because the extremes fell to the wayside.   "Extremes" here requires careful context I can't really provide, except that Mohler is, or has been, a pretty hard-shell fundamentalist/literalist.  To say I disagree with Mohler on almost all things ecclesiological and theological is a gross understatement.  I doubt we even pray to the same God.  But apparently the "favorites," for one reason or another, failed, and the dark horse won the race.

There's a lesson there for all the pundits and GOP office holders who think Trump has a death grip on the party and/or the country.  The SBC is very conservative already.  It would seem to be fertile ground for Trumpism.  Yet that seems to be precisely what the Convention rejected.  I think this is in keeping with their culture and traditions (every institution has those).  I also think this doesn't bode well for Trumpism in the country at large.

What does it mean for the SBC?  Well, the more things change, the more they remain the same.  Litton may reconcile some groups; but moving the SBC toward greater recognition of the sin of slavery, the "original sin" of this country, and the multiple sins it has spawned down to this day?  Yeah, don't expect the SBC to be "woke" any time soon.  It has been pointed out recently, in this context, that the Rev. Dr. King was a Baptist. True; but he wasn't a Southern Baptist.  The SBC is gonna do what it's gonna do; but if the SBC doesn't want to go any further Trump than it already has, that tells me most of the conservative parts of the country don't want to, either.  Not enough to really keep Trumpism alive, anyway.

Wednesday, September 04, 2019

It's a Duty That We Owe to Dear Old...Someplace


I hate to ascribe racism to someone, but just which portion of "civilization" are Americans failing to uphold by not getting married? (I'll leave the Texas provision for common law marriage to another day.  In the eyes of the state, marriage is marriage is marriage, so long as two people say it is.  Seems sensible as hell to me.  The state only cares about two things when people are married:  who owns this property, and who is responsible for these kids?  Mohler may have more spiritual concerns, but the state doesn't.)  The implications are frighteningly clear, but they also undercut the argument that the 2nd Amendment establishes a "God-given right" and that mental illness or "godlessness" is the reason we have so many shootings in America.

So why not the rest of the world, which is certainly as afflicted with "mental illness" as we are, and by Mohler's definition, I have no doubt, far more "godless."

But, "to be human is to be a parent"?  That's cruel and malicious and reprehensible.  Many people don't have children, through no fault of their own; or never marry, because the obligation to marry doesn't outweigh the obligation to "marry for love" (which is still a better standard than any other, though there are countries in the world that disagree.  And I don't mean some kind of brutal "forced marriage" where an old man takes a child as a bride.  I know of happy adults from non-American countries whose marriages were basically "arranged," and they find our method as bizarre as we would theirs.  Takes all kinds, and your kind ain't the standard of measure for all things.)  Many people don't have children, for any number of reasons from fertility challenges to simple health challenges to simple lack of interest in being parents.  If that's a problem for you, you need to reassess your priorities.

And then there's the whole idea of the load on the planet's resources of so many souls, especially those trying to live at an American standard of living (which the planet can't sustain).

The basis for this is, as one commenter on Twitter noted, an "abiblical cultural agenda."  And indeed it is.  It is also the great weakness of social media:  any damned fool can remove all doubt as to his foolishness and display it to the world at the same time.

I don't hate Albert Mohler, and I don't wish to condemn him for this; but saving civilization?  Really, dude?  You had to go that far?  You know that's only a line for action movies and comic books, right?

Sunday, May 15, 2016

J'Protest!

Pastor Dan (Bless him!) points me to this, from which I want to take a few responses that aren't quite his (not that there's anything wrong with that!).  Although I have to start by agreeing that this:

For Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville, Ky., the key question is "whether or not there is a binding morality to which everyone is accountable."

Simply means Albert Mohler wishes for a time when everyone agreed with him, a time that occurred sometime just before he realized there was a world full of other people who are NOT Albert Mohler.  Mohler thinks of that as the encounter with nothingness, but the more correct French phenomenological label is simply the "other."

And yes, that is harsher than Pastor Dan, but then I never claimed to be as nice a person as PD.  And then you have to put this kind of stuff in the context of the article, so:

Mohler is a co-founder of the biannual Together for the Gospel conference, which brought together thousands of evangelicals last month at a sports center in Louisville, a few miles from the Southern Baptist campus. Electronic signs around the top of the arena carried such messages as "We Were Born Out of Protest" and "We Stand on Scripture Alone, Not Man's Wisdom."

"Our theme for this year is, 'We Protest,' " Mohler tells NPR. "You might say [it's] putting the 'protest' back in Protestantism." He and his fellow conservative leaders urge Christians to take a "biblical" stand against such things as no-fault divorce, extramarital sex, "transgenderism" and gay marriage. His new book is We Cannot Be Silent: Speaking Truth to a Culture Redefining Sex, Marriage, & the Very Meaning of Right & Wrong.
Protestantism was a protest against the prevailing church structure and orthodoxy (no communion every Sunday!), not a protest against the prevailing sectarian culture.  If anything, Protestantism was an expression of the prevailing culture (starting with Luther in the principalities of what is now Germany, and Calvin running Geneva, and the Scots asserting their independence of culture from England; etc., etc,. etc.)  To put the "Protest" back in "Protestantism" you'd have to be objecting to the prevailing religious orthodoxy which, ironically, claims itself in the words of Albert Mohler and the SBC.

Me thinks he doth protest too much.  But then, as that parable of the beam and the splinter puts it, isn't that always the way?

Isn't it ironic?  Don't you think?

So Mohler wants to be in the world but not of the world; or maybe not even in the world at all:

"Conservative Christians in America are undergoing a huge shift in the way we see ourselves in the world," Mohler says. "We are on the losing side of a massive change that's not going to be reversed, in all likelihood, in our lifetimes." In his view, Christians must adapt to the changed cultural circumstance by finding a way "to live faithfully in a world in which we're going to be a moral exception." (It is this goal, Mohler says, that explains the passage of "religious liberty" laws to protect people who want to express their opposition to same-sex marriage or "transgenderism.")

Check out the picture of Mohler at the link; dude makes me look like a youngster.  Which is not a comment on his age (ageism!) so much as a comment on the undeniable fact he is being left behind by an ever-changing world.   And I gotta agree with Pastor Dan:  what the hell is "transgenderism"?  Another made up word that means "scary change I don't like!"?  The people who are scared of such changes have my sympathies; that doesn't mean they have my agreement.  The tough part about loving your enemies is that it isn't a recipe for transforming enemies into friends.  It's meant to transform you.  Whether people are your enemies or not is something you cannot change; how you treat them is what you are in control of.  Loving them doesn't change them; it changes you.  Which is what makes loving your enemies so hard; and so necessary.

It's that or turn into a dragon yourself.

But is Christianity going to be a moral exception in the world because it preaches that gays should not marry and transgendered person should not pee in public?  Or is it going to be a moral exception because it continues, after 2000 years, to still tell you to love your enemies and do good to those who persecute you?  Which moral position, after all, calls for a true effort at "living faithfully"?

And since when do Christians need "religious liberty" laws to protect them from their own desire to be bigots?

"The Bible makes claims about what is right and wrong, and those claims are often at odds with what everyday people believe," says Southern Baptist seminary student Joshua Van der Merwe, 24, of Louisville, during a break between conference sessions. "Christians are called to protest and to witness to what the Bible claims to be right and wrong."

Or it calls you to:  "Do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with your God."  It calls you to feed the hungry, shelter the homeless, clothe the naked, visit the sick and the prisoner, because in doing so you show compassion to Christ himself.  It teaches you to love your neighbor as you love yourself.  It teaches you to not judge, so you won't be judged.  It teaches you that your neighbor is whoever needs your help, and that even a prodigal son is still a son, no matter what.  It teaches you to wake up the house when you find the lost coin and spend it in a celebration; to sell all you have and buy the pearl of great price; to bury your treasure in the ground when you find it; to leave 99 sheep alone and search for the one lost sheep.  It teaches you to love your enemies; because God loves them, and only then can you be in right relationship to God, and so live right and comfortably in the world.

Christianity teaches all manner of absurdities and impossibilities and contradictions.  Christianity challenges you; not the world.   Right and wrong?  Take that up with Job.  Or Jonah.  But don't take it to the world, because the first thing Christianity says to you is:  Who are you to judge?

And when you are allowed to judge, Matthew tells you to take it to your brother in private; and then to some friends, if need be; and finally to the whole community, if you have to.  You don't get to judge; the others do, and only as members of the same community; which, in any version of Christianity, is never the world.  There is nothing in all the letters and words and thoughts of the New Testament, or of the Hebrew Scriptures, that calls upon a Christian to stand in judgment of the world.

Christianity doesn't call me to judge the world; it calls me to be transformed in who I am in the world.  And that is a protest I can get behind; a protest against the world as it is in favor of the basiliea tou theou as explained by Scripture and scripture as explained by Walter Brueggemann.

Friday, June 07, 2013

R U Saved?

Just noted in passing:

Nearly 35 years after conservatives launched a takeover of the Southern Baptist Convention, a new divide is emerging — this time over the teachings of 16th-century Reformer John Calvin — that threatens to upend the nation’s largest Protestant denomination.

When Southern Baptist delegates gather for their annual meeting next week (June 11-12) in Houston, they’ll be presented with a report, “Truth, Trust, and Testimony in a Time of Tension,” that focuses on the growing popularity of Calvinism among Southern Baptist pastors and seminaries.

At stake are fundamental beliefs on who can be “saved,” the need for evangelism, and whether Baptists will retread familiar battlefields on the proper roles of men and women.

Calvinism, which is traditionally the domain of Reformed churches like Presbyterians, differs from traditional Baptist theology in key aspects, particularly on the question of salvation. The report concludes that those aspects, while important, should not divide Baptists.
....

About 30 percent of Southern Baptist pastors consider their churches Calvinist, according to a poll last year by SBC-affiliated LifeWay Research, but a much larger number — 60 percent — are concerned “about the impact of Calvinism in our convention.”

Calvinism is already shaping the next generation of Southern Baptist pastors through the influence of R. Albert Mohler Jr., president of the SBC’s flagship seminary in Louisville, Ky., and popular charismatic speakers like Minneapolis author John Piper and Seattle’s Mark Driscoll.

Ascol embraces one of the aspects of Calvinism that makes traditional Baptists deeply uncomfortable: the idea that Jesus died on the cross only for humans whom God had elected to save, and not for everyone.

Calvinists call this the doctrine of “predestination” — the idea that a person’s salvation already has been determined. More traditional Baptists say if Jesus died only for the elect, then Baptists’ trademark evangelism becomes pointless.

Eighty percent of SBC pastors disagreed with the idea that only the elect will be saved, according to last year’s LifeWay poll, and two-thirds disagreed with the idea that salvation and damnation have already been determined.

“It is obvious that we all cannot be right,” Ascol wrote on his blog. “At least one of us is wrong. It may be that we both are wrong. … In other words, our differences are real. But they are differences within the family.”
Had I thought they'd understand me back in high school, I could have legitimately asked those Baptists who asked me if I was saved how they knew they were.*

Part of the doctrine of the elect is that you don't know if you are one.  And honestly, the proper theological stance is to consider that you could both be wrong.

And no, despite my childhood, I'm not a fan of Calvinism.  Unless you mean combined with Hobbes.

ADDING:  the distinction here is between those who are "saved," and those who are really saved.

And that was, IMHO, never meant to be the point of the exercise, at all.  Reminds me of the congregation which split over whether or not to buy new carpet for the sanctuary (a true story).

*esprit d'escalier, and yes, real life really is just like high school.

Thursday, April 09, 2009

"I've lost my harmonica, Albert!"



ARIS is making Albert Mohler's tower of Jell-O tremble:

There it was, an old term with new urgency: post-Christian. This is not to say that the Christian God is dead, but that he is less of a force in American politics and culture than at any other time in recent memory. To the surprise of liberals who fear the advent of an evangelical theocracy and to the dismay of religious conservatives who long to see their faith more fully expressed in public life, Christians are now making up a declining percentage of the American population.
I don't have the statistics readily at hand, largely because it's something I was taught in seminary; but the percentage of persons who regularly attended church (the usual metric for quantifying the number of "believers" or "faithful" in a population) was low in America from the colonial period (surprise!) up until World War II. "Low," that is, by comparison with post-war church attendance. Something about the aftermath of that war (probably because in that war we went from identifying ourselves as a republic based in states, to identifying ourselves as a nation, organized in states but centered in Washington, D.C. We all had to begin to act as one nation, and surely if we were united, we were all church goers. It wasn't long after that war we became "One nation, under God." Except for Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, nobody had bothered to use that phrase for us until the post-war period.) Being a largely ahistorical people, of course, we decided that church attendance had always been that high, especially considering the culture of tent revivals and the impact of religion on American life, what with Prohibition and "Inherit the Wind" and the battle over abortion today. Surely, we reasoned, we'd always been "one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all." Well, for all white male landowners, at least, and a few other groups later, and begrudgingly; but "one nation, under God," to be sure.

Except, of course, we weren't. We weren't "one nation, under God" until 1954, even though Lincoln coined the phrase in his Gettysburg Address. We also didn't put "In God We Trust" on our coins until 1956, when it became our national motto. Starting to see a pattern here? Oh, and the Scopes Monkey trial was far less about religion v. science than it was about Social Darwinism v. democratic America. The reporters who covered it at the time saw it as a battle between religious fundamentalists and religious modernists. An ecclesiastical battle, in other words, not a secular v. religionists battle. Sad to say, at least in the battle for control of the public megaphone, the former won. The much later play was meant to be about demogaugery in the McCarthy era, but true to the fashion of fundamentalists and others who don't study scripture but just look for what they want to find in it, the play has become the symbol of the current battle between science and religion, a battle that is far more modern than ancient. But we are an ahistorical people, and we prefer our history come from a movie screen (thus World War II, an international slaughthouse, became "The 'Good' War," won single-handedly by John Wayne and other tough, virtuous Americans). Meacham may be right, that:

Evangelical Christians have long believed that the United States should be a nation whose political life is based upon and governed by their interpretation of biblical and theological principles
.But evangelical Christians haven't sought to shape the political life of the country until very recently, and even then their efforts are largely a throw-back to the 1950's. Fundamentalist Christians didn't even exist until the 1920's, so this is hardly an American movement with deep roots in American culture or history. So pace Christopher Hitchens, this really doesn’t mean anything.

As I've mentioned before:
1) Church attendance was never very high in American history. I don't have the statistics readily at hand, but at the time of the American Revolution I think roughly 20% of the colonists attended a church regularly, and the number never really went up much beyond that. The cantankerous, non-church going father of "Spencer's Mountain" (by the same guy who wrote "The Waltons") was a typical, not a-typical, American.

2) World War II changed all that. Literally. Sociologists and church leaders agree that church attendance spiked after World War II, for a complex series of reasons. Baby boomers like your host grew up in that "boom," and took it for the norm. It wasn't; it was the aberration.
In brief: we've been here before, and this is not a return to gone away, but a return to status quo. Do we have great swathes of Americans losing out on their chance for salvation? Same as it ever was, and the last time we tried to impose Christian virtues on the populace, it made a rich man out of Al Capone and a slaughterhouse out of the streets of Chicago; not to mention law-breakers out of a sizeable portion of the populace. Delve into the article, though, and authority is precisely what Mohler fears is being lost:

"The post-Christian narrative is radically different; it offers spirituality, however defined, without binding authority," he told me. "It is based on an understanding of history that presumes a less tolerant past and a more tolerant future, with the present as an important transitional step." The present, in this sense, is less about the death of God and more about the birth of many gods. The rising numbers of religiously unaffiliated Americans are people more apt to call themselves "spiritual" rather than "religious." (In the new NEWSWEEK Poll, 30 percent describe themselves this way, up from 24 percent in 2005.)
We aren’t, of course, “post-Christian” at all. What Mohler sees waning is the brief and fitful hope of institutional authority he thought was about to be handed to him and those who think like him. The historic irony there is rich, because Mohler’s Baptist ancestors came to America precisely to escape that kind of religious authority, especially represented by the religious arm of the state, the Church of England. Protestantism in America came over from Europe and brought European culture with it, a culture that supported Protestantism as it always had (Calvin ran Geneva; Luther was protected from the Pope by German princes; the Presbyterians controlled daily life in Scotland, driving out all but the remnants of Gaelic spirituality with Andrew Carmichael managed to save before they disappeared, crushed under the pastor's bootheel). But Protestantism also resented state authority: not just the Baptists but the Pilgrims (my spiritual and eccelesiastical ancestors), and many other Christian groups, came to this country precisely to escape state censure and religious authority allied with governmental power. Jefferson’s ideas did not spring up sui generis; he was merely their most eloquent spokesman.

Protestantism has always been prickly in its insistence on the importance of the individual against the authority of the institution. It’s the primary reason there are still so many Protestant groups, some of them large enough to be considered “Mainline denominations,” some of them so tiny they consist of only a few churches, or are entirely “non-denominational.” Not all of the latter, by any stretch, are “mega-churches.” And just as the culture that upheld Protestantism has faded in Europe, it is now clearly fading in America. Part of the reason for that is spiritual and intellectual; and part of it if the role of charity. As the state stepped in to take over the traditional ameloriative role of the church in European society (the very loss of position which both the church and many public intellectuals feared in the 19th century), the church has withered to a very private enterprise indeed. That change is occurring more slowly in the U.S., but it is occurring nonetheless. What Mohler misses is the weight of the kind of peer pressure to be in church that was at its historic height after World War II, and that has been waning ever since. Now that it seems to be gone altogether, and any hope of reimposing it through politics, or through a centralized denominational authority (the battles in the Southern Baptist Convention were fierce and largely over this very issue) is gone as well. Some, like Mohler, simply suddenly know what they’ve got when it’s gone, and it’s: nothing. Nothing at all.

But that project has failed, at least for now. In Texas, authorities have decided to side with science, not theology, in a dispute over the teaching of evolution. The terrible economic times have not led to an increase in church attendance. In Iowa last Friday, the state Supreme Court ruled against a ban on same-sex marriage, a defeat for religious conservatives. Such evidence is what has believers fretting about the possibility of an age dominated by a newly muscular secularism. "The moral teachings of Christianity have exerted an incalculable influence on Western civilization," Mohler says. "As those moral teachings fade into cultural memory, a secularized morality takes their place. Once Christianity is abandoned by a significant portion of the population, the moral landscape necessarily changes. For the better part of the 20th century, the nations of Western Europe led the way in the abandonment of Christian commitments. Christian moral reflexes and moral principles gave way to the loosening grip of a Christian memory. Now even that Christian memory is absent from the lives of millions."
That Texas dispute, in fact, ended with the reversing of a 20-year old position that insisted evolution and "other explanations" be taught in classrooms. That’s more than a failure of Mohler’s “project,” it’s a repudiation. Mohler’s defense of American morality is based on the same American exceptionalism that appalled Charles Dickens. He is as ignorant of European society and culture as his ancestors were who so disgusted Mr. Dickens. I'm not sure what "Christian commitments" Europe or America lead the world in, given 19th century history, or 20th century history (the greatest slaughters in human history happened under European guidance in both those centures, and we continue to suffer from the sins of those particular fathers). I know a lot of students now for whom that "Christian memory" is wholly non-existent; but they don't make me fear for the future of this country. At least, not because of their morality.

What Mr. Mohler laments, then, is a loss of control; but it's a control he, nor his religion, never really had. Or,for that matter, that it ever should have. It’s one they imagined they would have, in a rosy future. But that future has been snatched from them, and now it seems that loss is not only political, it’s social. It’s cultural. It’s irreversible.

And this is a good thing:

So what we are seeing is not the return of the "Dark Ages" (a misnomer anyway, but that's another complaint, idn't it?), but the last flush on the cheek of a dying age. Church in America is actually becoming increasingly irrelevant as it either disappears into a gathering of grey heads, or as a place where you are told how wonderful you are and the 7 steps or keys or what-have-you for how much better God wants to make you be (I was looking at Joel Osteen's latest book, and comparing it to his first book. This one offers "Seven keys to living with joy and peace." His first was "7 steps for living at your full potential." Clearly it's all about 7; which is so much easier than 12, I'm guessing.) There's everything modern American about that, and very little which is Christian (a friend tells me she's watched Osteen's sermons, and he gives the same one over and over again. Well, it's made him rich....). I've said before this is primarily a good thing, as it will ultimately strengthen a church which needs to cut its ties to the society it finds itself in; but that, too, is another matter for another time.
As I was just saying, in fact:

What's happened now is that church membership is no longer a social obligation. As the culture changes, the interest in Protestantism changes, and that change means a decline in members of Protestant churches. This may be news to the laity, but it is hardly news to the clergy.
Obviously, it’s quite a shock to Mr. Mohler; but not to those of us who’ve been paying attention.

The Newsweek article points out the rift between one generation of evangelicals and the younger generation, whose focus has shifted to making the world a better place, rather than a more moral place. This highlight the unacknowledged problem for Mohler and those who fear what he fears: it’s a problem of identity, and it's two-fold. Part of it comes from their soteriology: its basis is that Christians are responsible for the salvation of non-Christians. The "Great Commission" of Matthew ("Go, thou, and make disciples of all nations") is read as an imperative command to save the world from hell; at least, save those who will listen. But of course, if they have no chance to listen because you didn't witness to them, then the responsibility is on your head. So there are two prongs to this problem for evangelical Christians like Mr. Mohler: a greater need to witness (because so many more are unsaved); and an apparent failure to witness effectively (for, while the success of the witness is up to the Holy Spirit, the witness certainly bears the burden for making the testimony as persuasive as possible.)

The other, deeper, problem, is the problem that fires militant atheists and anti-theists as well as fundamentalists and evangelists of all stripes: the sense that one's identity is permeable and fluid and, to the extent those in the society around you don't share your identity, your identity is called into question. The French saying for self-assurance is someone "comfortable in their own skin." It's a remarkably astute existential observation, since I certainly can't wear your skin, and I shouldn't let you get under mine. I need to be comfortable in my own, which means I need to be comfortable both with me, and with the fact that you are not me. But child psychologists tell us that human development works through stages that begin with learning the difference between self and other, a lesson we never quite wholly absorb. Partly that's because we are social creatures; we naturally identify with the group. It's a strength, but it can become a weakness, leading some of us to insist the group be as large as possible, as homogeneous as possible, and in some cases that other groups be banned or even annihilated.

But generally, we either want other people to think just like us, or to stop representing themselves as being like us. So Christians break into denominations, churches schism and form new denominations, and groups fight over who gets to carry the banner. Both concerns, of course, should be irrelevant to Christians. The kerygma of the gospel is the basileia tou theou. The proclamation is that it is here, now, among us, and as Christians, we are called to live in it. It is in the world, but not of the world, and so are Christians. But the kerygma sets up a central paradox, which is the paradox of hospitality. Christians are called to offer the hospitality of God to all the children of God. But f we offer hospitality, we must have control over some space to which we can be "hosts." But to have that control, we must be children of this world. Therein lies the temptation, the anfechtung, as Kierkegaard would say. And that introduces the mysterium tremendum, the fear and trembling, the sickness unto death. How can we be in this world without being of this world? Yet if we don’t, we cannot truly be Christians.

The anfechtung, the temptation, is to be in the world and control the world, through politics or power or any moral course that makes life better for any faceless group that we define as needing us. Thus our soteriology, which is not rooted in “saving” the world, becomes indistinguishable from the soteriology that puts that burden precisely at its heart. But if we are not in the world, we are not caring for God’s children, who are all, as Christ taught us, the Christ himself, the one we serve by serving the least of all and last of all. But how do we serve them? By politics and social programs and sweeping generalizations that carry them before us, just with better generalizations than Mr. Mohler relies on? Or do we do it by serving our brother and sister who is before us now, the one we can see, touch, feel, hear, help with our two hands and our one heart? The temptation is to seek the power of God, the transcendent power that rains down benison from above. This, too, can be a soteriology, the flip side of the coin from that of the evangelists. Now the salvation comes from the polity, from social justice, from having the right political opinions and enacting the right laws, or enforcing the right social standards. It is the other side of the coin because both soteriologies presume the grace of God is available only through our efforts, that we must be agents of change in the world, rather tha in our hearts.

But the calling is to the powerlessness of God, which is the heart of hospitality: to give over control to the stranger; to let the unknown person have what is most essential to you, as they need it.

So, will the Church fail? No. Will "Christianity" stop being influential in American politics? It never was. It was always the handmaid to power, never the authority on the throne. The prophets may have reminded the King of Israel of the covenant with God, but they only told him what he had done wrong, not how he could improve his standing among the populace. Solomon was an observant Hebrew, but he led the country as a king, not as a religious leader. The calling of the prophets was to the power of powerlessness as well, whether it was Amos, the dresser of sycamore trees, who never aspired to political authority; Jeremiah, who wept for his people even as he denounced the king of Israel; Ezekiel, who suffered bizarre visions and made himself a symbol of Israel's problems, suffering his own torments and the bewilderment of the elders; or Hosea, who married a prostitute and made his children metaphors for Israel's apostasy. They gained nothing for their prophecy; they watched Israel fall, or lived in the aftermath, in a foreign land. And still the children of Abraham did not stop being the children of Abraham.

This week, the descendants of those prophets and Israelites remember the covenant with the Creator. This week, Christians remember the last days, the betrayal, the scourging, the crucifixion, of their Savior. These are the days when anything goes. These are the days of beginnings and endings. This is the way it always is in the affairs of humans. What endures, is the presence of God among us. That presence teaches us humility; that presence teaches us powerlessness. That presence teaches us the true nature of power; and how we should live with one another, as members of a polity, as children of God.

Sunday, April 01, 2007

Return to Never Was

The movie "Inherit the Wind" was on this week. I didn't watch it, but saw bit of it flipping channels idly. I entered when William Jennings Bryan entered the town in a triumphant parade, surrounded by white ladies singing over and over again "Gimme that Ol' Time Religion," ironically a song I associate with the African American church. The tone being set was clear: religious yahoos and know-nothings were ready to champion ignorance over science, biblical inerrancy over Darwinian observation, resolute certainty over intellectual ambiguity.

And I realized it wasn't just a bunch of crap, but that it had influenced the way we think.

Americans draw far too much of their history from movies. We are convinced that all of Texas looks like the Southern California desert where John Wayne shot his movies. Parts of the Trans-Pecos region of Texas are in the high Chihuahan desert which stretches from Mexico into New Mexico and Texas, but just as much of Texas is Louisiana pine forest. Then there's the beautiful hill country in Central Texas, the Staked Plains of the Panhandle, the great flat reaches of West Texas, and the Gulf Coastal region from Beaumont to Brownsville. If you've ever seen a Horton Foote movie ("Tender Mercies;" "Places in the Heart") you've seen the plains around Dallas/Fort Worth. San Antonio sits on a flat river bottom, while Austin, just a hundred miles north, sits on a river just against the Hill Country to the west, and the land rises up from it toward the Capitol to the north, and up again toward the south. There is no "typical" Texas, nor a "typical" Texan, and precious little of it looks anything like the movies. But when I was a child and travelled outside Texas on vacations, people I met were convinced of two things: that I had an oil derrick (they didn't even know to call it that) in my backyard, and that I rode a horse to school. Well, all the oil derricks were in Longview (they still are, but as relics, now), and while I owned a horse, I rode my bike to school. But people I met had seen movies, so they knew better.

I, too, grew up thinking "Inherit the Wind" was some kind of history, somehow true to reality. But the characters in the movie don't even carry the names of the famous protagonists William Jennings Bryan and Charles Darrow. The movie is a fictionalized account not of the "Scopes Monkey Trial" but of the dangers of McCarthyism. Which is fine, as far as it goes; but it is a gross distortion of American history and, sadly, movies are where most Americans learn their history. So while Lawrence and Lee meant to write a cautionary tale about religious belief, religious tolerance, and the dangers of anti-intellectualism, what was recieved was a picture of America "as it used to be." And many people ever since, especially since the "cultural revolution" of the late '60's (which, to be fair, Lawrence and Lee couldn't possibly have foreseen), have been consciously or unconciously using that film as a touchstone for fundamentalism and religious opposition to science.

Consider just the scene I stumbled on; the triumphant entry of the "religious" hero. It's practically an echo (if not a mockery), of the Triumphal Entry Christians will be celebrating today (Palm Sunday; and no, I don't mean the echo is intentional). Matthew Harrison Brady (William Jennings Bryan) arrives in town in an open car, surrounded by people carrying not palm leaves but placards, singing loudly and fiercely in support of their "old time religion" and just as vociferously in opposition to science. It is, in many ways, a perfect parallel to the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem for the last time, except this time, we sympathize with the Romans. But is that what really happened? Is that really how the people of Tennessee felt?

In reality, the people of Dayton were generally very kind and cordial to Darrow, who attested to this fact during the trial as follows:

"I don't know as I was ever in a community in my life where my religious ideas differed as widely from the great mass as I have found them since I have been in Tennessee. Yet I came here a perfect stranger and I can say what I have said before that I have not found upon any body's part — any citizen here in this town or outside the slightest discourtesy. I have been treated better, kindlier and more hospitably than I fancied would have been the case in the north." (trial transcript, pp. 225–226)
I don't normally quote from Wikipedia, but I'm using this to raise an issue, not to condemn this play. The article provides a useful list that gets me to my point rather more rapidly than I could do. I quote only the ones relevant to my thesis (and I do have one!):

(M) refers to the 1960 film and (P) to the published play script. (M/P) means the point appears in both versions.

(M/P) Brady, in answer to Drummond's question about the Origin of Species, says he has no interest in "the pagan hypotheses of that book". In reality, Bryan was familiar with Darwin's writings and quoted them extensively during the trial.

(M/P) Brady was opposed to Darwinism only on religious grounds. Moreover, while Bryan was a fundamentalist in his theological views, his political and economic views were quite progressive. He opposed eugenics, and rejected the way in which Social Darwinism and its doctrine of "only the strong survive" had been invoked to justify the cutthroat tactics of many a Gilded Age robber baron (industrialist).

(M/P) In answer to a question from Drummond, Brady declares that the original sin of Adam and Eve was their discovery of sexual intercourse. In reality, the confrontation between Bryan and Darrow never mentioned sex, and all forms of Christianity fully condone marital intercourse.

(M/P) When the verdict is announced, Brady protests, loudly and angrily, that the fine is too lenient. In reality, Scopes was fined the minimum the law required, and Bryan offered to pay the fine.

(M/P) Drummond is portrayed as involved in the trial out of a desire to prevent Cates from being jailed by bigots. In reality Scopes was never in danger of being jailed. In his autobiography and in a letter to H.L. Mencken, Darrow later acknowledged that he took part in the trial simply to attack Bryan and the fundamentalists.

(P) Hornbeck is depicted as an atheist. H. L. Mencken was in fact an agnostic whose writings attacked only certain aspects of Christianity, such as infant damnation, Biblical literalism, predestination, and hostility to Darwin. But he had no real quarrel with the Protestant mainstream of his day, and admired Catholic ritual. Mencken was no progressive paragon and did not trust democracy based on universal suffrage. His German sympathies were so strong that he opposed American participation in both world wars, and dismissed criticism of Hitler in the 1930s.
Nothing wrong with this, you understand; and the authors of the play even insisted their play was not history and did not pretend to be journalism. So why am I bringing this up?

Well, my interest in the play and movie began, not last night, but with Huston Smith's Why Religion Matters (New York: HarperSanFrancisco 2001). Smith is even more caustic toward the play than I think is necessary, but he provides us with several points of critique worth considering. As the Wikipedia article points out:

Despite the authors' warnings, nowadays the play is typically seen as a largely true account of the Scopes Trial and thus is taken as a documentary-drama. In reality, the Encyclopædia Britannica had no entry for the Scopes trial until 1957; the entry mentioned the successful Broadway run of Inherit the Wind, giving the impression that the play was historically accurate. American high school and college texts did not mention the Scopes trial until the 1960s, usually as an example of the conflict between science and evangelical Christianity, and often in sections discussing the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. In recent decades, school texts and encyclopedia entries have continued to take the play and film as historically accurate, claiming, for example, that during the trial, Darrow made Bryan look like a fool.

Inherit the Wind portrays the Cates/Scopes character as unfairly persecuted. In reality, although the ACLU was looking for a test case with a teacher as defendant, it was a group of Dayton businessmen who persuaded Scopes to be a defendant, hoping that the publicity surrounding the trial would help put the town back on the map and revive its ailing economy. Scopes was never in the slightest danger of being jailed.
Smith gives us a bit more useful detail on these points, contrasting history with the movie's portrayal:

In the hope of reversing three decaeds of declining population, Dayton's town fathers saw in the ACLU's search for a biology teacher to test the legality of the Tennessee law a golden opportunity to put Dayton back on the map. That its high school biology teacher was ill and incapacitated posed no problem; the football coach and general science teacher, John Scopes (who had been drafted to complete the biology course) would do. In the actual trial, Scopes testified that as substitute teacher in the second half of the course he had learned more biology from his students than they had learned from him, for at least they had had six weeks of instruction from someone who knew something about the subject.

The town fathers' strategy exceeded their wildest hopes. Over two hundred reporters alone poured into Dayton, and the trial turned out to be one of the first in America to recieve international coverage. (Smith 106)
As for Bryan, it's not quite right to consider him a fundamentalist, at least not in the modern meaning of that term. He testified during the trial that he read the Creation story in Genesis allegorically, not literally. His animosity toward Darwinism was based on his experience with 'Social Darwinism', which isn't Darwin's theory at all. As Smith notes:

Bryan was first and foremost a passionate humanitarian. He was an irrepressible evangelist for social reform, and social Darwinism (which would soon be discredited) was then in its heyday. Bryan had seen the survival-of-the-fittest theory used to defend the robber barons in America, and in Germany to justify the brutal militarism that led to World War I. This had led him to the belief that 'the Darwinian theory represents man as reaching his present perfection by the operation of the law of hate, the merciless law by which the strong crowd out and kill off the weak." (Smith, 107)
A theory that would suit the Bush Administration, for one, right down to the ground.

So Bryan was no Pat Robertson; and even H.L. Mencken was not the "H.L. Mencken" most of us think we know. History is often like that. We go with what we are told, not what we could learn from the original sources. Part of the problem there, of course, is that you end up with foolishness like Sam Harris writes. That is, you end up with some people end up believing the foolishness is history.

The fights over "intelligent design" owe more to taking "Inherit the Wind" as history, than they do to history itself. The clear perception of those who promote intelligent design and those who report on it is that the Scopes trial was about religion v. science. As Smith points out: "The reporters who covered the [Scopes] trial saw things differently. They took the confrontation to be the opening skirmish in a battle between religious fundamentalism and religious modernists that would continue." (Smith, 107) The irony is, it's become a battle between science and "know-nothings." But the "willful ignorance" Matthew Chapman finds in Dover, Pennsylvania is grounded as much in re-creating "Inherit the Wind" as it is in reality. And it is that rather tortured reality, practically a torus for most Americans (a three-dimensional object with only one surface. Mmmmm...donuts!) which has become not just the false image of religious belief, but the true belief of at least some Americans. At some point, this whole thing becomes a Mobius strip., and we find ourselves striking out in one direction and, while always going forward, eventually return to precisely where we started, the whole event conducted on one continous, flat, twisted surface. Watch the donut, not the hole.

Karen Armstrong blames much of what has happened in American religion on the Scopes Monkey Trial:

“Before the Scopes ‘monkey’ trial—when the secular press ridiculed the fundamentalists and said they had no place in the modern agenda—fundamentalist Christians had been literal in their interpretation of scripture but creation science was the preserve of a few eccentrics. After the Scopes trial, they became militantly literal and creation science became the flagship of their movement. Before the Scopes trial, fundamentalists had often been on the left of the political spectrum and had been willing to work alongside socialists and liberal Christians in the new slums of the industrializing North American cities. After the Scopes trial, they swung to the far right, where they remained. They felt humiliated by the media attack. It was very nasty. There was a sense of loss of prestige, and, above all, a sense of fear.”
I think she is much closer to the mark than Harris or Dawkins. It isn't that "creation science" has ever been a fundamental tenet of American Christian fundamentalism. It is more that the entire topic, taken in the social context of "Inherit the Wind," has been seen as a rallying point for control of public authority. The challenge in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District was not really to science, it was to control of the classroom. It was a case (as is always the case in these matters) who who would have the power to decide what truth will be accepted and acceptable. In the Kitzwiller case, for example, the defense was provided pro bono by the Thomas More Law Center, a contradiction, as Chapman notes, because:

its stated mission is "Defending the Religious Freedom of Christians," "Restoring Time-honored Family Values," and "Protecting the Sanctity of Life," which, as a biblical literalist myself, I take to mean defending such freedoms as the biblically mandated right to capture women in battle, shave their heads, lock them up for a month, rape them into matrimony (Deuteronomy 21:10), and then deny them the right to an abortion afterward.
Leaving aside the snark about abortion (one controversy at a time, please!), note the language about "Restoring Time-Honored Family Values." Sound like the position of some people in a movie, does it? I don't think that is quite an accident.

Nor, of course, is there a direct line from Lawrence and Lee's play to the Thomas More Law Center. But the images we have of our world are drawn from sources that often have nothing whatsoever to do with reality, and yet we weave those bits and pieces into a nest which we are quite sure is both safe, and sound. Consider this comment from a thread at Street Prophets:

But the danger - just watch the movie "Inherit the Wind" - some things never change - is that it seeks to institutionalize ignorance AND uses the self-aggrandizing theatricality of the revival preacher.
It's true some things never change (or even go away), and in that sense indeed human history is a Mobius strip, with only one surface although we think all three dimensional objects must have at least two. Thanks to "Elmer Gantry" and "Marjoe" and the real-life antics of people like Jim and Tammy Bakker, the prevailing opinion of "revivalist preachers" is that they are full of "self-aggrandizing theatricality." Certainly some are, while some are sincere believers in the theology and religion in which they have been raised. Easy to demonize such people; far harder to be patient and understand them. As I have been at pains to point out, this lesson from the movie has nothing to do with the reality of the Scopes Monkey Trial, or even American history before World War II, and everything to do with the culture that grew up after that war, and even more so the culture that we have created since 1960. "A Man Called Peter" portrayed a Christian evangelist as a sold, middle-class white suburbanite urging us all to good deeds and quiet good thoughts. Is it any accident that the "evangelical" preacher who found fame and fortune in front of a TV camera is a product of the post-"Inherit the Wind" environment, by using new technology to hearken us all back to a past that never was? It wasn't the people of Dayton, Tennessee in 1925 who looked longingly back to a past they needed desperately to recreate, or who sought to "institutionalize ignorance." It is fairer to say it was the people of Dover, Pennsylvania in 2005 who were doing that.

As Wikipedia notes, even H.L. Mencken wasn't the scourge of religion some would have him be today. We always read history through a lens of our own forging. The question is, what materials do we put into that lens? Consider this critique of Albert Mohler, President of Southern Theological Seminary in Lousville, Kentucky, for example:

Mohler's deity, in short, is the God of Double Standards: a God who enforces the norms and fears of a world before science, a God profoundly ignorant of or resistant to the arc of American history, which is the struggle to expand the scope of the word "men" in our founding declaration that "all men are created equal." This is a God who in earlier times was invoked to defend segregation and, before that, slavery.
But that's like reflexively comparing George W. Bush to Hitler: it's hyperbole meant to shock and demonize, not to enlighten and inform. Albert Mohler's views may truly be indefensible from intellectual scrutiny, but it's quite a stretch to impugn him as a supporter of slavery because of them. Just as it is, in the end, an error to condemn proponents of "Intelligent Design" as know-nothing yahoos who want to return us to an age of ignorance. In this Armstrong is more right than the generally accepted view of "Inherit the Wind:" the issue here is power, not information. It isn't what students will be told, but who will be allowed to tell it. And the irony is, the debate about that control is conducted in the false light of an invented history, one created by a movie. When people argue for "intelligent design" in the classrooms, or against it, they imagine they are arguing for, or against, a return to a standard or practice which we have abandoned, and the only argument is: should we have abandoned it, or should we return to it? Mohler's God, as presented by Harold Meyerson, existed side by side with the God of William Wilberforce, and one eventually crowded out the other in popular acceptance. But Mohler's God (in Meyerson's portrayal, anyway), still had to be countered with the God of Martin Luther King, Jr. Thus the struggle ever goes on; thus "The peace of God, it is no peace, but strife sown in the sod."

I realize I am making an argument which rests on "Monkey see, monkey do," but much of human behavior rests on the models our culture provides us. Much as "Inherit the Wind" can be viewed as a film presenting the idea that "...religion (equated with fundamentalism) is bigoted, closed-minded, and backward looking," it can also be viewed as a model of religious practice today. Oddly enough, it's a poor model of religious opinion in 1925, but the caricature it presented, in order to mock McCarthyism, has become the reality which Sam Harris can depict as the only true face of Christianity. Some modern supporters of "intelligent design" respond, in one way or another, to the images of women with placards marching in the street in defense of that "ol' time religion" and in opposition to "science," and they link arms across the ages to march again. It didn't happen that way, but it has now, and by re-creating what never was, we have tried to make it same as it ever was again. And the determined opposition (Dawkins and Dennett, as well as Harris; as others besides me have noted) clings to that straw figure as fervently as any true believer could. Thus do we create the enemies we would do battle with.

I began this with the idea that the problem here was with fundamentalists who have a very poor idea of their own history; who don't realize, for example, that they would consider William Jennings Bryan both a "liberal" and probably a heretic (read the link to the Mohler critique to see what a firestorm Mohler spawned with an otherwise innocuous remark). But I end it realizing the problem is with "us," and not with "them." This matter of perception cuts both ways: the presentation of those defending "that ol' time religion" becomes the model for culture wars today, even though it is a model without true historical precedent. It becomes more than a model, it becomes the framing device through which such objections are given form, are understood. But it also becomes the frame through which we, those of us who disagree, see the issues as well. Go back to that comment from Street Prophets. Look at the assumptions behind Matthew Chapman's report on "the other monkey trial." We accept the frame as well, and expect the discussion to fall into that form, the better that we can criticize it. But we don't just expect it to fit the form, we create the form and the opposition itself out of whole cloth. This is not a battle that has raged since the Enlightenment; this is the battle we have created, both of us, "us" and "them." We are just as much victims of our historical ignorance as they are; and (Matthew Chapman in English), we can't even easily blame it on American ahistoricism. We need "them" to be ignorant yahoos, the better to justify our conclusions about why we are right about this, and about everything else "they" disagree" with us on. But the more we do that, the more we link ourselves inextricably to "them." How can the truth set me free, if I insist the truth binds me to "their" ignorance?

I can't change how "they" think, and indeed, I'm not responsible for their thinking. I can only change how I think, and looking for the truth, as John's gospel tells us, I will both find it, and be set free. (Agent Mulder was right, the truth is out there! Never thought of that as a Christian message, did you?) But before I can change my thoughts, before I can go out there looking for the truth, I have to acknowledge that I am part of the problem. I have to realize that I have my "truth," too, and that it needs "their" truth in order to be a whole. But it isn't a whole, and it never will be; not so long as I fail to realize that my understanding of "them" is actually my understanding of "me," and of what I am sure is true; and probably isn't.

Aye, there's the rub.

Wednesday, July 12, 2006

Why is there no middle?

Albert Mohler says the middle is now impossible, and everyone must choose. Why?

Because in essentials, we must have unity, of course. In non-essentials we can have diversity; and that's where the middle is: in those things we we don't have to agree on. But we must have the essentials, and we must agree on them, and so there is no middle left: time to fish or cut bait.

After all, aren't these things decided by the consent of the governed? Isn't this a time when a decision is demanded? Is this not the either/or which ethics demands?

Well, perhaps. But what then, of charity? What, in fact, if the call understood by the American church, is the call of God to sacrifice Isaac (since we have invoked the ghost of Kierkegaard with our "either/or," let us invite him to stay and explain the religious to us, as well). I'm not saying it is. But can you say it isn't?

Which is not very helpful either, is it? (I'll resist saying "or is it," but I won't resist very well). What is the solution to this dilemma? To raise the knife in hope God will supply the offering, but intently certain God already has? Is Mohler right, and there is no middle way, and all of Christianity is just a struggle over who gets and holds the ethical upper hand?

Or is there charity involved?

Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am become [as] sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal.

And though I have [the gift of] prophecy, and understand all mysteries, and all knowledge; and though I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing.

And though I bestow all my goods to feed [the poor], and though I give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing.

Charity suffereth long, [and] is kind; charity envieth not; charity vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up,

Doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil;

Rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth;

Beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things.

Charity never faileth: but whether [there be] prophecies, they shall fail; whether [there be] tongues, they shall cease; whether [there be] knowledge, it shall vanish away.

For we know in part, and we prophesy in part.

But when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away.

When I was a child, I spake as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child: but when I became a man, I put away childish things.

For now we see through a glass, darkly; but then face to face: now I know in part; but then shall I know even as also I am known.

And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these [is] charity.
If Paul is right, charity is what makes the teaching and preaching and morality of the church possible. If Paul is right, charity is patient, does not seek power or control or victory; bears, believes, hopes, and endures all things. If Paul is right, charity alone never fails. If Paul is right, faith and hope are great, but charity is greatest of all. If Paul is right, it is not about power, or either/or, or even right or wrong, unless it is first about charity.

And if we consider that, as Christians, it should be "in all things, charity," then where do the greatness of essentials and non-essentials, which are certainly not even as great as hope and love, stand?

If there is no middle, perhaps it is because we don't take charity seriously enough. If there is no middle, perhaps it is because we think "love your enemies" means "after you have conquered them and they grovel at your feet." If there is no middle, perhaps it is because we have not reflected on what "all things" would cover, and how great, how truly great, charity is.

If there is no middle, perhaps we are to blame. Or perhaps there is a middle, and we just need to consider the the first should be last, and the last first; and that charity, or, in the modern vernacular, love, is what the Church is, first and foremost, supposed to be about.

Saturday, May 07, 2005

"We certainly don't want a particular brand of Christianity enacted as the law of the land."

A quote from Rev. Veazey's column linked below, since the comments section leads me to believe that almost no one has read it yet [edited, with gratitude to jane for the correction!]:
One of the "Justice Sunday" speakers, Dr. Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, put it in terms as chilling to religious liberty and diversity as any I've ever heard. Like other fundamentalists, Mohler believes there is only one correct interpretation of the Bible-his-and he equated the inerrancy of his interpretation of the Bible with the inerrancy of the Constitution, based on his biblical beliefs. In bringing the Bible and the Constitution together, fundamentalists like Mohler are moving toward mainstreaming their biblically based interpretation of the Constitution. Judges would be held to the standard of biblical teachings, as interpreted by fundamentalists. I don't doubt the sincerity of Mohler and other fundamentalist ministers who share this view that the Bible is literally true and they alone know what it means, but they are on dangerous ground when they then suggest that they alone also know what the Constitution means-and that anyone who thinks differently is anti-Christian. Christians have strong differences of opinion on the meaning of scriptures and most of us don't want to see a particular brand of Christianity held up as the only real Christianity. We certainly don't want a particular brand of Christianity enacted as the law of the land.
This, of course, is the issue. Inerrancy of interpretation that spreads from God's word (which is absolute, and so inerrant ab initio) to law. And the interpretation itself is inviolable, because it begins with the absolute. A neat tautology, but not one that applies neatly to the real world.

And on the subject of the filibuster: the focus of this group is clear. Their program was titled: "Justice Sunday: Filibustering People of Faith." These judges are not being appointed because of their particular brand of Christian faith. If they have no more qualificationst than that, they are not qualified. Their faith, or lack thereof, should not be the grounds for their approval or disqualification, especially to the bench. By trying to make this a uniquely religious issue and, as Rev. Veazer notes, a uniquely religious issue of a uniquely narrow religious conviction, they are crossing a line that a multi-cultural, legally secular, society cannot cross. These judges are free to practice their faith. They are not free to claim a right to appointment based on their religion, and destroying the filibuster rule on this basis is precisely what is being sought. The values and failings of the filibuster is one issue. The grounds for removing it in this case, and how that removal would be accomplished (via simple majority v. 2/3rds, a rules change "decreed" by that simple majority, which is a violation of almost all systems of parliamentary procedure) is the issue here.

Rev. Veazer goes on to note that:
James Dobson of Focus on the Family, another "Justice Sunday" speaker, railed against the Supreme Court as "arrogant and imperious and determined to redesign the culture according to their own biases and values," holding up the 1973 Supreme Court Roe v. Wade decision for special scorn.
No word on whether Mr. Dobson held out any special scorn for Miranda, Gideon, Griswold, or Brown v. Board of Education, decisions that also redesigned the culture. I was parciulary affected by Brown. In 1972, my high school experienced a "race riot" because of forced integration. It certainly redesigned the culture of my small East Texas town, and not according to the biases and values of at least some of the whites of that town. But I suppose Mr. Dobson doesn't want to touch the morality of that one (and yes, it was seen as a moral issue, as much as a "state's rights" issue. Some elaborate moralities for slavery were constructed in the 19th century, and they were disassembled until after the efforts of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and others).

Thursday, May 05, 2005

Antidisestablishmentarianism

Chris Hedges, author of War is a Force that Gives Us Meaning (an excellent book), and of the article in the current Harpers' Magazine, is on "Democracy Now!" as I type. Hedges' father, as he says, was a Presbyterian minister, and he himself holds an M.Div. from Harvard Divinity School. He is making an excellent argument that the "Dominionists" (who, apparently, take their name from the King James version of Genesis 2, where humanity is told to "take dominion" over all the earth) are a political, not a religious, movement.

The Rev. Joseph Phelps, pastor of Highland Baptist Church in Louisville, Kentucky, (and a graduate of Southern Theological Seminary, in the '70's), which church held a "counter" "Justice Sunday" service which 1000 people or so attended, is also on, and he gives me use for a word I learned in elementary school. As Rev. Phelps points out, the founders of this country were "disestablishmentarians." That is, they were against creating an "established" church.

Moehler told "Justice Sunday" that they were calling on people "merely to be moral, we want them to be believers in the Lord Jesus Christ. Because we don't just need instruction, we need salvation." He tied that sentiment directly to the federal judiciary, whom he said held control over much of what is important to this nation. Not satisfied, he makes clear, to control the administrative and legislative branches of government, he was exhorting people of a similar mind to seek control over the judiciary branch, as well. It is not unreasonable, to pick up on a point from the previous point, to call such language intolerant, or to focus on the issue of tolerance. What Lewis Lapham said, in that quote, was: "we err on the side of folly if we continue to grant the boon of tolerance to people who mean to do us harm in the conviction that they receive from Genesis the command ‘to take dominion over the Earth,’ to build the Kingdom of God, to create the Christian nation. The proposition is as murderous as it is absurd ...” What Mr. Lapham is complaining about there is not the activities of a Martin Luther King, Jr., or even necessarily the political candidacy of a Pat Robertson. Mr. Robertson sought political power, and Dr. King sought to change the injustice of American society. What Mr. Lapham identifies is not the error of trying to bring the kingdom of God to earth (we can have a fine theological argument, in fact, on precisely what that kingdom of God is: whether it is imminent or present, to come, coming, or already come). The concern voiced by Mr. Lapham is for "people who mean to do us harm," and do so "in the conviction that they receive from Genesis the command...to create the Christian nation." What these people seek is not merely political power, but absolute control; and an absolute control based on absolute religious beliefs.

When Albert Mohler says the line isn't drawn at morality, but at salvation, he means a very particular, very narrow theological position, one shared by a tiny segment of the world religion of Christianity. Mr. Hedges writes from his experience at the National Religious Broadcasters Convention, and he makes it clear that the issue for the supporters of "Justice Sunday" is not the filibuster, or the appointment of a few bad judges, but winning a battle of good over evil. Whether that battle even has any theological validity is another question; whether we are called to fight it, and win it, on God's behalf, is the question before us. That is another issue, as Reinhold Niebuhr argued in Moral Man and Immoral Society, that I may take up for myself, but I cannot impose it on society at large. What we are seeing, in fact, is the last gasp of "Christendom," but we should not prolong its death throes by quibbling over distinctions about "tolerance."

This is not a Christian nation, and should not be. If Christ ever intended to rule as a temporal leader, then his death was indeed a failure. There can be no other way to understand it. As Rev. Phelps says, Rev. Mohler and his allies want to rewrite American history. They are antidestablishmentarians. They seek the establishment of a "Christian nation." And one of the crucial questions will be: whose Christianity? That of Benedict XVI? Of the Jesus Seminar? Of Shelby Spong, Jerry Falwell, Marcus Borg, Matthew Fox? Which kingdom of God do we establish? The basiliea tou theou of Luke? Or the basiliea ton ouranon of Matthew? Or do we follow John's gospel, where Jesus says his kingdom is not of this world? Do we build the Civitate Dei of Augustine? Do we adhere to the natural law of Aquinas, or do we teach our children that the law of America is based on Mosaic law, as one man said this morning in a story on NPR?

As Mr. Hedges points out, the group behind "Justice Sunday" is not promoting the personal salvation of an evangelist like Billy Graham. They are using that theological position as a sword, a political tool, to gain political power. I can respect, while I reject, the position of a believer that my salvation depends on accepting his or her version of religious doctrine. What I cannot respect, and must reject, is anyone seeking to use religious doctrine as an excuse to take political power, and to wield it over me and my family in the absolute sense so clearly intended by this group.

Wednesday, May 04, 2005

The End of American Days?

Louisville, Kentucky was the home of "Justice Sunday" a few weeks ago. It is also the home of a friend of mine, a fellow pastor, who sent me this article from the Louisville Eccentric Observer (look for John Yarmuth's column, "The End of American Days"). Lest you think all of Louisville agreed with "Just-Us Sunday," or that all the complaining is confined to the blogosphere, Mr. Yarmuth's concluding paragraphs:

The culture war is misnamed, because it understates what is at stake. Our society is engaged in a death struggle for the preservation of individual freedom, and everyone will be drafted. You cannot remain neutral, because if you’re not with them, you’re the enemy. The old adage holds that your freedom ends at my nose. It doesn’t make a matzo ball’s difference to me, as a Jewish American, what anyone believes until those beliefs restrict my personal liberty, and the †’ ambitions extend way past my nose. They involve my eyes, my ears, what I do with my body and the fate of my soul. They want to control what I can watch and hear, what my descendants can learn and whom they can love. In short, they have utter contempt for the American spirit.

As Lewis Lapham wrote in Harper’s, “The delusional is no longer marginal, and we err on the side of folly if we continue to grant the boon of tolerance to people who mean to do us harm in the conviction that they receive from Genesis the command ‘to take dominion over the Earth,’ to build the Kingdom of God, to create the Christian nation. The proposition is as murderous as it is absurd ...”
It's worth noting, too, that the Rev. Albert Mohler of Louisville Theological Seminary was the only clergy to speak at that "service." And Seminary Presidents seldom represent any one in any congregation. This is not at all, in other words, a "grassroots movement."

But the Harpers' article mentioned in the column is undoubtedly worth reading. And something other than a "it can't happen to us" attitude is going to have to be cultivated, and among more than the denizens and audience of the blogosphere.

Monday, April 25, 2005

This says it all.

I actually have a friend who attended Southern in Louisville. He left just before this crowd Mohler speaks for, took over.

If I don't manage to post anything else to day, this will be sufficient. On "Justice Sunday," this is what R. Albert Mohler, President of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, had to say:

"We are not asking for persons merely to be moral," Mohler said. "We want them to be believers in the Lord Jesus Christ."
This is, by Mr. Mohler's lights, actually sound theology. Morals are human, the invention of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas and the like. Believers in Christ cannot err.

Lord help us all.