Showing posts sorted by date for query niebuhr. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query niebuhr. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Tuesday, August 04, 2026

Is This A Great Country, Or What?

We disgrace ourselves as a nation each and every day Donald Trump remains in office. The drafters of the United States Constitution provided a remedy for a criminally insane president like the one we have—impeachment and removal—but our current Congress, as an institution, is too corrupt and cowardly to fulfill its constitutional duty to exercise this power and duty. And that, sadly, is where we are today.
(A duty no Congress in history has ever fulfilled. The closest we came was the forced resignation of Nixon. Since then Republicans turned impeachment into another political cudgel, and have rendered it useless ever since. Feature, not bug.) "The love of money is the root of all evil.” I was assured, in my misguided childhood by people who wanted to be sure my Christian beliefs were well grounded in 1960’s middle class American standards, that the original of that verse said the correct interpretation was “excessive” love of money. This analysis was buttressed by explaining that the original word was “cupiditas.” Which it is; in the Vulgate. The Latin translation of the original Greek. In the original original, the word, according to Bauer, is “love of money; avarice: miserliness.” Difficult to love money without being avaricious. Needing money is one thing. Even the disciples had a common purse. Luke describes the immediate post-Pentecostal church as holding everything in common, so everyone could be taken care of; but no one could be avaricious.

I’ve seen enough, as a lawyer, as a pastor (two positions at which I did NOT excel. I speak from hard experience, not the lofty heights of wisdom), to know that there is no such thing as a moral society. Niebuhr gives us the concepts for this, far better than my limited experience. Basically, a society cannot be moral because it cannot ask its members to sacrifice on behalf of the whole. We make people sacrifice: through military drafts, or economic oppression (call it the Omelas excuse); but we can’t ask them to die for the greater good. Not that directly. That way lies totalitarianism, which we agree cannot be moral.

But can we be moral about who we choose to run our government on our behalf? To be truthful, perhaps our most moral President was Jimmy Carter, but he quickly replaced by Reagan, an empty shell of a man who played a moral character. But even Reagan was not Trump.

Can we not insist on character, at least? 

The other “money” related verse that was sanitized in my youth was Jesus’s parable (simile, really) about the camel and the eye of the needle. The “eye of the needle, “ I was told, was a very narrow gate into Jerusalem that an overladen camel (too much stuff; get it?) couldn’t get through. No such gate existed. Jesus meant a real sewing needle. Far bigger in his day than what you’re thinking of, but still not large enough to accommodate a camel. At all.

The point being, the real radicalism of Jesus is almost beyond our understanding. Certainly beyond our willingness to accept. Which is also the nature of morality. The otherwise anodyne (you needn’t even be religious to see its wisdom) “Golden Rule” is beyond our reach. “Do to others what you would want them to do to you.” Jesus rendered that one plainer, too: “Don’t judge, and you won’t be judged.” I learned the complexity of that in seminary. It means don’t join the system of judgement, if assessment, of weighing everyone on some imaginary scale and finding them wanting, and you won’t be subject to judgement yourself. Simple wisdom. Just walk away from it. Leave it behind. You want to judge the poor person? The evil person? The good person? You judge yourself. Is that moral? Or is that just another system?

Maybe ethically, to invoke Aristotle, I can say someone’s actions are not increasing my happiness, so I should not model my behavior on that person. Although by the world’s standards, Trump is certainly successful ;isn’t that what it means to win the Presidency?), and Aristotle’s ethics is that I should model my behavior on Trump’s. But would that even be good ethics, much less morality?

We may be moral men and women. We should certainly try to be. But we will inevitably be an immoral society. Even Socrates recognized he had to sacrifice his life for Athenian society; he couldn’t ask Athens to sacrifice its authority, for him.

Trump is an abomination. But even for the Hebrew prophets, the standard for the king was character, not morality. Even David behaved immorally; but he was still regarded as Israel’s greatest king. David had character. When he was confronted, he recognized his sin. And Jeremiah, in the Exile, told the king what was most important:

Woe to him who builds his palace by unrighteousness, 
 his upper rooms by injustice, 
making his own people work for nothing,
 not paying them for their labor. 

14 He says, ‘I will build myself a great palace with spacious upper rooms.’
 So he makes large windows in it, panels it with cedar and decorates it in red. 

15 “Does it make you a king to have more and more cedar? 
Did not your father have food and drink? 
 He did what was right and just, 
 so all went well with him. 

16 He defended the cause of the poor and needy, 
 and so all went well. 
Is that not what it means to know me?” declares the Lord.

Jeremiah 22:13-16

For the leader, for the government, it is ultimately a question of character. And in a democracy, that question is always laid at the feet of we, the people. Our history does not show us as ever having done very well with it.

Sunday, July 05, 2026

And Let The People Say: “AMEN!”

I’m not speaking against the Reverend to say the real praise goes to his congregation, who accepts what he’s saying as the word of the Lord.

Because it is. IMHTheologicalO, anyway.

And it needn’t be painful to you if it’s truthful. Niebuhr said you can’t have a Xian nation, because a nation cannot be ethical. Ethics requires some measure of sacrifice, and you cannot require someone else to sacrifice for your ethical decision (here we meet the conundrum of the akedeh, the story of Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac. The ethical paradox, the ethical crisis, of that story is something Johannes de Silentio will not let us look away from. A nation cannot ask its citizens, the very citizens it is supposed to protect, to sacrifice their lives for the nation’s ethics. For its survival: yes. But what if, as some Christians once said, it is unethical for white Americans and black Americans to live as equals? That the blacks must sacrifice so this ethic can prevail? That’s, in part, the Reverend’s point. To put a finer point on it, would you consider Omelas ethical? They ask only one person to be the living sacrifice.

And what, as Niebuhr asks, if the ethics of the nation require that the nation itself make the sacrifice? Not just give up something; but give up everything.

Omelas points us to a whole separate ethical question coming from the Hebrew and Xian scriptures about how to treat the poor and the marginalized, and how “Christian” a nation can be that doesn’t follow those teachings (major hint: the prophets blame the Babylonian Exile on Israel’s failure to remember the poor and the widows and orphans.) we prefer the capitalism that requires the greatest good for the greatest number be our ethical standard. (Omelas, in the logical extreme.) But is there anything Christian about utilitarianism? Or Omelas?

Aside from that, there’s the problem of defining an “Christian nation.” “One nation, under God,” but under whose God? Israel had (has) a covenant with God. We do not. Our ability to be Xian is really an individual matter, and has been since the Romantics cemented that Enlightenment idea as the foundation of ourselves as persons. Not only because there are too many faiths (religious and secular; we all trust in something), but because there are too many differences alone just between Xians. Am I to bend the knee to the encyclicals of the Bishop of Rome? Of this Pastor? Or Robert Jeffress or Paula White? Should you bend your knee to me? Who preaches the Xianity of this nation to which I must adhere? Or at least acknowledge? The Constitution says “We, the people of the United States….”And already we’ve got a problem.  Who are “the people of the United States”? Four out of nine Supreme Court Justices say that not all persons born in this country should be included as “the people of this United States,” even though (I don’t think?) they don’t deny those people are all persons.

Although  they seem to think those excluded from “all persons” in the 14th are in a new class of “illegal,” Which may not create stateless persons, but seem to be very close to the old concept of “outlaw:” someone outside the protection of the law, who can be dealt with as anyone sees fit.

(The contemporary example shows up in the “new” “Twilight Zone,” where a man is branded “invisible” for being anti-social. No one is allowed to speak to him or look at him. At one point he’s mugged, but when he calls for an ambulance (because no one else will help him, on pain of being branded “invisible” themselves). When 911 realizes who he is (“invisible”), they refuse him treatment and end the call. For the time he is invisible, he is “outlaw.”)

So who are the people of the United States? And can we claim Christianity for them? “Hang it all, Robert Browning! There can be but one Sordello! But Sordello, and my Sordello?”—Ol’ Ez (Pound; the REAL Ezra). What is the ethics of the four dissenting opinions in Barbara? Can they properly be described as “Christian”? Show your work.

If you ask me if they should be properly described as Christian, my answer is: no. The law should not concern itself with ethical considerations, except as they are considerations of justice (or: why AI can never judge a trial outcome, or a legal appeal). The law has professional ethics, and the ethical concerns for doing justice (a foundational concern of the jurisprudential school known as “judicial realism.”) But I’m concerned with the ethics of Matthew 25 and the Lukan Beatitudes, and rendering to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and giving God what is God’s. With doing justice (and not the legal kind), loving mercy, and walking humbly with my God. With being last of all, and servant of all, in order to be first of all. And how do you ask an entire nation to do any of that?

In other words, I’m concerned with being ethical in a way the world flipping doesn’t understand. And not expecting the world to do so.

So I like what the Reverend’s saying; but I appreciate more, the congregation that supports him in saying it.

Thanks be to God.

Someone’s Been Reading Reinie Niebuhr And Soren K.

Sunday, June 14, 2026

When You Don't Know The Subject, You Can Conclude Anything About It

The New Yorker attempts to review American ecclesiastical history:

The historic European Protestant traditions that were the forebears of the American church placed great emphasis on learning and on doctrine, but the result was a faith that tended to be aristocratic and รฉlitist. Revivalism democratized Christianity. It elevated a new class of spiritual leaders—people who could hold a crowd in their thrall. They preached that salvation was open to all and exhorted congregants to forge their own moral destinies. Sutton argues that the effect of this movement was a distinctly American faith, one in which “the ideals of political democracy and religious democracy went hand in hand.”
Well, yeah. Maybe .But the Church of Rome started out far more democratically, too. Augustine converted to Christianity, and later was pressed into service as a bishop by the people. There were no “ideals of political democracy and religious democracy” in Europe, and especially in the Roman Empire, except among the first century Christians (Paul’s house churches put family and their slaves on equal grounds, at least for worship; and Luke describes early believers gathering together (apart from Paul’s influence), and holding everything in common, make and female. As Paul told the Galatians, “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus." Radical stuff even today. The Roman church took on the character of feudal Europe after Constantine, which is why the Desert Fathers fled to the desert: Christianity was becoming too worldly, i.e., too much like the world.  And feudal Europe owed a lot to the Roman Empire. French, Spanish and Italian are variants of Latin. Piccadilly Circus is from the Latin word for “circle.” The British admired the Romans so much they treated Latin as a “better” language than their own for over 100 years, because Willie the Shake had “little Latin and less Greek.” Bishops became “princes of the church” in order to stand equal to the feudal nobles, and the Bishop of Rome for some time held power over the monarchs of Europe, a power that began seriously ebbing with Henry VIII, a power Rome fought with Elizabeth I to recover. The church was very much of the world at that point. (Henry taking all their property in England to dole out to his dukes and earls and barons like the feudal lord he was didn’t help matters with Rome very much.)

Monks founded the great universities of Europe to keep literacy alive so the religious could read the scriptures and the works of the church fathers. Literacy was not widespread until about the time of Gutenberg (who needed it until then?), so education was, of course, connected to the church. The European churches that were not just the Anglican Church brought those traditions with them. In the 19th century German settlers in St. Louis, a city already dominated by the Roman Church (I spent a weekend in a retreat in a former Catholic seminary, built to house priests-in-training. The hallways were so wide I joked I could drive my MG Midget down them, and turn it around at either end. It was a much bigger facility than the seminary I would attend for four years.). Those settlers built a seminary, an orphanage, a hospital, and a mental health facility, all within a few years of their arrival. And all are still operating, over 100 years later. The break with that tradition is very American, but hardly a defining feature of American Baptists. One of my oldest friends grew up in the Baptist church and attended a Baptist seminary. I still remember his father talking about Baptist preachers he knew with doctorates. He spoke as if he expected his son to ascend to such lofty heights. Most of the pastors I know at the largest Baptist churches are referred to as “Doctor” (never “Reverend.” Too Catholic.)

Sorry to digress so long, and get so far from my point. The point is simply that the American church is distinct from the European model in some ways; but those differences stem from historical circumstances. Too many Americans assume they grow from “corrections” we made as “free men” (which never means quite the same as “free people”). For example, some denominations accept women as pastors, priests, or part of the church judicatory (bishops; Conference Ministers; titles vary). Others resolutely refuse to. Some accept LGBTQ+ as members and clergy. Some refuse to accept them into the latter category, some refuse to accept them at all. Why? Culture, primarily. The members start with culture, and then interpret scripture, traditions, teachings, as it suits them.

Same as it ever was.

But considering how many denominations in American Christianity are rooted in European culture (starting with the divide between Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant churches), and how many denominations in America are rebranded European denominations, starting with the Methodist Episcopal Church. John Wesley was an Episcopal priest, and the church still has bishops (an episcopate). The Lutheran church has bishops, too, though the ELCA is a merger of Lutherans and German Evangelicals, the latter itself a forced merger out of Prussia of the Lutheran and Reformed denominations in that country. The even more uniquely American Lutherans are the Missouri Synod, who broke from the rest of the Lutherans in America over questions of purity, and the Wisconsin Synod, who broke with the Lutherans and the MO Synod over the same questions.

That’s probably a more American distinction in churches, as they fight within themselves, and merge with other churches to survive (creating the ELCA or the United Methodists (a merger with the United Brethren), or even my church, the UCC.

I’ll stop now, but that’s the point. There is no one distinct American church, and dividing it on who has a theological education in the pulpit, and who doesn’t, is a mug’s game. Congregational churches were once (circa 17th century) divided between the men on the side with the pulpit, and the women and children on the other, every Sunday morning (I pastored a German Evangelical church (originally) where some members were old enough to remember the same divisions there, earlier in the 20th century). The men listened intently to the sermon, and later corrected the pastor on anything they considered apostasy, or error.  The first universities in America were founded by Congregationalists. You’ve probably heard of them.

It’s true there was (is still?) a Cumberland Presbyterian denomination, which didn’t require its pastors to be trained by a seminary, a distinction from other Presbyterian churches (or was before the merger of the “north” and “south” denominations, split by the civil war and not rejoining for 100 years or so afterwards.) The merger prompted a splinter group, the “Continuing Presbyterian Church (the north was too liberal; I don’t know why. This was long before “gay” meant anything but “happy,” so that wasn’t it.), and now I know of at least one “Evangelical Presbyterian Church. And they didn’t merge with an old German Lutheran/Reformed denomination. What education level they require of their pastors, if any, I don’t know. The Cumberland branch started because Presbyterians were heading west through the Gap and needed pastors. But if pastors weren’t following, they were going to raise up their own. Distinct American egalitarianism? Or hard necessity? Two conditions that often appear alike, and I’ve found circumstances drive decision making far more than ideals do. At least in the final analysis.
Mark Noll, a historian of religion, argues that revivalism in America brought vitality to the church but left it intellectually impoverished—a “scandal of the evangelical mind.” Nevertheless, the revivalists got their results. Religious adherence surged in the nineteenth century; by the twentieth, the majority of Americans belonged to a church.
When in the 20th century? In 1906 only 41% of Americans claimed church membership. 
As you can see from the chart, that number rose slowly until the 1940's.  Church membership exploded in the years after WWII, which is why the Boomers think everyone in America always went to church. The boom in churches was hardly because of revivalism or people passing out in worship. Middle America was not getting dressed up on Sunday to have ecstatic experiences. This was the age of Peter Marshall and Norman Vincent Peale; the age when TIME magazine declared Reinhold Niebuhr America’s theologian, and people knew what they meant. It was also the time, as Harvey Cox was pointing out at Harvard Divinity School, of the genesis of the Pentecostal movement, the “holy rollers” returned from the Second Great Awakening. Professor Cox, a Baptist himself, would argue that of such would be the future of Christianity in America. Except for a few TV preachers in the ‘70’s, though, who disappeared in scandal and sinking ratings, Pentecostals never really overcame their working class roots. This is America: we still prefer a distinction between labor and man, between first class and steerage. Even if we can’t afford first class ourselves.

I can tell you as a pastor at the end of the 20th century that most church rolls listed members who hadn’t been near the building in decades; if they were still alive. Claiming church membership from the mid-forties on had as much to do with business connections and social status as anything else. When I was younger and just out of law school, my father approved of me returning to a church because I’d make business contacts there, as he had done at my age. He was being practical, not baldly mercantile. Church had many purposes at the time. It has fewer of them now.

There were “revivals” in the Baptist churches where I grew up; usually week long events that didn’t involve glossalalia or passing out in divine ecstasy (the parts of that which don’t show up in Acts make their appearance in the lives of the saints, so, again, not peculiarly American, nor Protestant). I went with my Baptist friend (it was his church), and took notes like an anthropologist in New Guinea. The most emotional part was the altar call. I went to a Billy Graham revival in a stadium with a church group, for reasons I can’t remember, but mostly curiosity. It was the closest I came to feeling drawn to the altar during the call. But I wasn’t ecstatic, and I didn’t go.

The New Yorker article jumps to a quick summary of the birth and rise of fundamentalism, without noticing, as Martin Marty did decades back, that it is an international phenomenon largely in reaction against modernity and “the other.” That lacunae is important, because, well, wait, I’m getting ahead of myself:
It’s inarguable, however, that Donald Trump’s ascendance has nourished a darker, more volatile version of the phenomenon. Tapping into the lineage of white evangelicalism, with its charismatic leaders, anti-intellectualism, and political militancy, the maga movement has placed a nostalgia for a Christian past at the center of a grievance-based politics.

Barton’s pseudo-scholarship furnished Christian nationalists with valuable ammunition, but the movement needed foot soldiers. In 2012, an eighteen-year-old named Charlie Kirk founded Turning Point USA, a nonprofit organization meant to promote fiscal conservatism among young people. Kirk had been a Christian since childhood, but he was initially circumspect about his faith, arguing that religious conservatives had erred by imposing their beliefs “through government policy.” In 2019, however, Kirk met Rob McCoy, a pastor who challenged Kirk to more aggressively bring his Christian world view into the public arena. The following year, at the Conservative Political Action Conference, Kirk lauded President Trump for understanding “the seven mountains of cultural influence”—an evangelical vision, dating to the nineteen-seventies, that calls on believers to influence the realms of family, religion, education, media, entertainment, business, and government. Kirk embraced the idea himself, building a media empire and organizing a grassroots army to turn out Trump voters during the 2024 election. Last year, after a gunman shot and killed Kirk at a campus event in Utah, his wife, Erika, a former Miss Arizona who started her own ministry organization and a faith-based clothing company, vowed to carry on her husband’s legacy, “fighting the good fight for our country.”
We can ignore the “pseudo-scholarship” discussion for our purposes. What’s missing in this brief history of the rise of fundamentalism as "the unequivocal winner in America’s religious economy,” is the base reason for that rise. It wasn’t evolution in the ‘20’s (presented as the cause of fundamentalism in the first place. It actually had more to do with theology than Darwin) that made people accept it in the last decades of the 20th century; it was racism. The civil rights movement of the ‘60’s didn’t, as Dr. King stated, bring American churches to embrace desegregation. Church in America (except, ironically, among some Pentecostal churches when Cox was writing about them), was, and still is, the most segregated hour in America. King publicly lamented the refusal of white Christian churches to support his movement. There’s a reason white people still quote King’s Washington speech, but don’t know his “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” And it’s the same reason they don’t remember why King was in D.C. to give that speech. Racism and classism go hand in hand in America. And it was racism that drove people out of “liberal” churches far more than it was the “embrace” of Darwin or science, at all. Pastors who could preach about evolution, didn’t dare preach about race in America. They still can’t.

Charlie Kirk and Donald Trump are both bluntly racist in ways Jesse Helms and George Wallace never were; and yet that goes unmentioned in the New Yorker article. We still can’t have an honest discussion about race, because it’s so polarizing all discussion ceases. It’s still the elephant in the American room we can’t admit is there. Ironically, the article mentions Jerry Falwell as an architect of the rise to cultural dominance of fundamentalism, without commenting on what a known racist he was.  Can’t clutter the discussion with such inconvenient truths.
Although only about two-thirds of Americans now identify as Christians—compared with just under ninety per cent in the nineteen-nineties—a recent Pew Research Center survey concluded that the erosion in belief has likely levelled off. New data from Gallup show a surge of religiosity among young men. It seems possible that Christianity is once again on the upswing in America.
If James Talarico is a harbinger, it’s probably of a more “liberal” Xianity, or at least one more counter to the religious culture fundamentalism created.  That goes a long way to explaining Dan Patrick’s concern, which I think leaves the mere political and jumps into the theological.
The sociologists Roger Finke and Rodney Stark have argued that, historically, the most popular religious bodies tend to exert a countervailing force on the culture at large. They demand sacrifice from their adherents but also promise temporal and eternal rewards. Expecting churches that preach a distant, unresponsive God to be attractive to new believers is akin, Finke and Stark write, to believing that soccer fans would buy tickets to matches with “players who, for lack of a ball, just stand around.” In this way, they explain the extraordinary rise of evangelicalism.
Well, that’s certainly borne out by history, although the RC isn’t going anywhere, and it would appear “liberal” church ideas might yet have their day. Certainly the Church of Meaning and Belonging starts out as the Church of Sacrifice for Meaning and Belonging, but honestly, it can’t stay that way for long. Ask Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Or any sociologist of religion; or any ecclesiastical historian.

Part of the problem with this discussion is that fundamentalism has defined the popular notion of Christianity, but it has hardly supplanted other Christian churches.  Fundamentalism was largely popular from the 80's until the 2020's because it was espoused by TV evangelists first, and so became the image of Christianity in America (if it's on TeeVee, it must be true!).  And then journalists picked it up as normative, supplanting more traditional Protestantism and Catholicism.  But the ascent of Pope Francis and then Pope Leo shows something else is happening in the Roman church (which never, despite Opus Dei, accepted fundamentalism as a replacement for tradition).  And while some churches broke away from traditional "mainline" churches over "liberal" teachings (like accepting LGBTQ+, etc.), most of those churches found life no better outside the denomination than in it.  I've also seen many congregations close because no one was left there but the elderly.  The popular explanation for that, echoed in the New Yorker article, is that those congregations were too "liberal," i.e., not fundamentalist enough.  The realiy is something else entirely.  I pastored two congregations where I, in middle age, was one of the youngest people in the church.  And I was too young and "liberal," in the sense of different from the majority, for those congregations.  Both wanted to "grow," but both understood that to be necessary merely to survive.  They wanted, in other words, to be social clubs and hire a new director who would recruit new members.  But they didn't want to accept new members, especially younger members.  They wanted everything to stay the way it was, but new people to come and fill their coffers and make them feel a bit less alone and alienated.  But they were alone, and alientating, because they wanted to keep control of the ship (not an errant metaphor,  The nave of the church is the hold of a ship, the timbers of the roof (in most Protestant architecture, anyway, the beams of the ship upturned.  I did a whole sermon on this in one of my churches.)  In the church I grew up in, my parents' generation ran things, and there were a few "old people," in their '60's, maybe one or two in their early '70's.  Those people left the church operations to the "younger people," like my parents.  I was encouraged to be responsible for church governance when I was confirmed, so the church would pass to the next generation.  That encouragement faded at some point, as my generation stopped going to church, and returned only to raise their children there.  But by then, the "old guard" had settled in, and nothing was allowed to change without their agreement.  It could be small things, like how the church was decorated for Xmas; or big things, like what hymns should be sung every Sunday morning.  I had one church member insist to me that returning the denomination name on the sign to the one that no longer existed, but had in the 1950's, would bring people flooding back to the sanctuary.  No one but her remembered that denomination, and since it was "E&R," Evangelical and Reformed, it would have been very confusing in the present age.  Outsiders would have expected a very different church from the one they would find there.  The elderly members wondered why no new members joined, why young people stayed away; but they didn't want to know what the reason was.

Those congregations have "died."  Not because the elderly passed on, but because the congregation shrank so much, it couldn't stay open.  I knew people my age and younger who wouldn't come to "my" church because no one else there was younger than their parents.  The few who were, were not really welcomed in, and had no children for their children to associate with, as I did when I was young.

Demographics is killing the church much faster than theology.  My grandfather's died at 68.  My father lived to be 90.  People who knew they'd be dead before 70 tended to let go of the world, and leave it to others.  People who live longer and healthier, tend to think they should still be both active and "in charge," and there the real problem lies.  Would they attend a church with James Talarico as their pastor (he's a seminary student at Ausin Presbyterian Seminary)?  Probably not.  Would their grandchildren?  Maybe.

The issues, you see, are more granular and particular than they appear to be from 30,000 feet.  Is Xian fundamentalism still culturally powerful?  You might as well ask if Islamic fundamentalism is (I told you it was an international matter).  Was the latter ever the whole of Islam?  Was it ever the whole of Christianity?

Where you start determines where you end up.  Especially if you don't pay attention to the people you're talking about; or over.

Thursday, April 02, 2026

Reading The Lectionary: The Servant Submits

These are actually the readings for Wednesday, but I started a day late, and dedicated myself to finishing what I started.
Isaiah 50:4-9a

The servant submits to suffering

The Lord GOD has given me a trained tongue, that I may know how to sustain the weary with a word. Morning by morning he wakens, wakens my ear to listen as those who are taught.

The Lord GOD has opened my ear, and I was not rebellious; I did not turn backward.

I gave my back to those who struck me and my cheeks to those who pulled out the beard; I did not hide my face from insult and spitting.

The Lord GOD helps me; therefore I have not been disgraced; therefore I have set my face like flint, and I know that I shall not be put to shame;

he who vindicates me is near. Who will contend with me? Let us stand in court together. Who are my adversaries? Let them confront me.

It is the Lord GOD who helps me; who will declare me guilty?
The language here echoes the scenes where God, through a prophet, demands Israel enter the metaphorical courtroom and put their case against God for allowing the Exile. But there God puts God’s self above human concerns, not because God is aloof, but because God is righteous, and has been (and remains) faithful to the covenant, while Israel has not. Here, however, the prophet is faithful to God; and despite the brutality of the Exile, remains so. And again, the prophet identifies with Israel; or at least presents an object lesson for how Israel should behave.

The prophet submits to calumny, but the prophet is not shamed. Our Anglo-Saxon (for one) culture teaches that we cannot accept shame; we must fight back to reclaim our “dignity.” Trump is the worst and most extreme example of this: All because Springsteen was interviewed on Fox News and didn’t have kind things to say about Trump. Isaiah presents the opposite example to Israel.  And here is the other difference between biblical Israel and our modern concept of the nation state. 

Biblical Israel exists as a lineage, the children of Abraham. One is born into it (but it is not “birthright citizenship”). Israel exists because of the covenant, so it is corporate rather than wholly individual. The nation state is corporate, but it is composed of individuals bound to a common purpose; but not bound by a covenant with God established by ancestry. So you can’t read the moral obligation laid on Israel as one that can be laid on a nation state. Niebuhr was right about that; individuals can be moral, nations cannot. An individual can sacrifice their life for a moral purpose. A nation’s obligation is to preserve and protect the nation, which is the individuals of that nation (I speak of democracies, obviously). That’s the irreducible friction we have with Isaiah, and the nation of Israel he addresses. We cannot think in terms of individual and nation being equally obligated to an ethic, because while the individual may be a suffering servant, one whose faith is in God and whose resolve is in the assurance of the justice of God, the nation state cannot do likewise, or demand that its citizens do. Even the Israel Isaiah addresses, doesn’t want to do that. The tension between what God requires, and what biblical Israel, or we modern individuals, will do, is real; and irresolvable. “Israel” still means “struggles with God.”
 Psalm 70

Be pleased, O God, to deliver me

Be pleased, O God, to deliver me. O LORD, make haste to help me!

Let those be put to shame and confusion who seek my life. Let those be turned back and brought to dishonor who desire to hurt me.

Let those who say, "Aha, Aha!" turn back because of their shame.

Let all who seek you rejoice and be glad in you. Let those who love your salvation say evermore, "God is great!"

But I am poor and needy; hasten to me, O God! You are my help and my deliverer; O LORD, do not delay!
Hebrews 12:1-3

Look to Jesus, who endured the cross

Therefore, since we are surrounded by so great a cloud of witnesses, let us also lay aside every weight and the sin that clings so closely, and let us run with perseverance the race that is set before us,

looking to Jesus the pioneer and perfecter of faith, who for the sake of the joy that was set before him endured the cross, disregarding its shame, and has taken his seat at the right hand of the throne of God.

Consider him who endured such hostility against himself from sinners, so that you may not grow weary or lose heart.
Isaiah wants Israel to follow the example he preaches, even if he doesn’t embody (like some of the prophets, Hosea most notably, did) everything he teaches. The letter to the Hebrews wants to teach that lesson to individuals, mostly to the children of Abraham. It presents Christ as an example to follow, not unlike Paul did. That example is one of faithfulness, and humility. “Lord, when did we see you?,” the line from the closing parable of Matthew’s gospel, is present here. Paul recalls Abraham at Mamre, and tells us we, too, may show hospitality to angels unaware. The letter to the Hebrews echoes Isaiah’s suffering servant as our role model. Matthew tells us when we are a servant to anyone who is the least among us, we are a servant to God. And that is all that’s required of us: to follow the commandment, to love one another.
John 13:21-32

Jesus foretells his betrayal

After saying this Jesus was troubled in spirit and declared, "Very truly, I tell you, one of you will betray me."

The disciples looked at one another, uncertain of whom he was speaking.

One of his disciples--the one whom Jesus loved--was reclining close to his heart;

Simon Peter therefore motioned to him to ask Jesus of whom he was speaking.

So while reclining next to Jesus, he asked him, "Lord, who is it?"

Jesus answered, "It is the one to whom I give this piece of bread when I have dipped it in the dish." So when he had dipped the piece of bread, he gave it to Judas son of Simon Iscariot.

After he received the piece of bread, Satan entered into him. Jesus said to him, "Do quickly what you are going to do."

Now no one knew why he said this to him.

Some thought that, because Judas had the common purse, Jesus was telling him, "Buy what we need for the festival," or that he should give something to the poor.

So, after receiving the piece of bread, he immediately went out. And it was night.

When he had gone out, Jesus said, "Now the Son of Man has been glorified, and God has been glorified in him.

If God has been glorified in him, God will also glorify him in himself and will glorify him at once.
Jesus is worried, again. Sometime earlier, as we are reading it, Jesus has just worried, openly, about his impending crucifixion and, after some enigmatic words about light and darkness, he slips away into darkness. Or at least to where he can’t be seen. Now here he is, back again, the night before the end, the last night, and he’s worried again.

Well; he is only human.

And then Judas slips wordlessly into the night. Now it is Judas who disappears from sight into darkness. Light and shadow; hidden and revealed. The seed hides life that is only revealed when the seed is hidden.

“Reclining at table,” by the way, is literal. It’s the way people sat in 1at century Palestine. They didn’t “sit up to the table,” as my elders all instructed me, knees bent and feet beneath the groaning board in the soup and fish, as Bertie Wooster would say. They reclined, legs perpendicular to the table, propped on an elbow. And they ate with their fingers. Probably with pita bread, it occurs to me. Probably not the fat, airy loaves we think of as bread. Probably not at the time of the Passover.

I don’t know, and don’t presume, but I wonder if the original “last supper” shared something with the Seder. That meal is more ritualistic, but the ritual may have more to do with the diaspora after the destruction of the Temple. All four gospels were written after 70 C.E, but the rabbinical Judaism we are familiar with, rooted by and large in the work of the Pharisees, didn’t spring full blown into existence in 71. Passover observance would have been at the Temple. It’s why the crowds and the money changers were there, and why Jesus was, too. It’s also why the cleansing of the Temple upset Pilate enough to order the crucifixion of the rabble rouser to quell any thoughts of challenging the Pax Romana during the festival celebrating the exodus of Israel from bondage and oppression. So it probably wasn’t a Seder meal. But the bread was probably closer to unleavened than not.

Pita is raised by the way it’s formed and baked, not by the amount of yeast in it. It’s speculative, but these minor speculations enrich the story for me. After all, our primary image of this iconic meal is an Italian Renaissance one, with all 13 persons (probably where triskadekaphobia originated) on one side of the table, seated in chairs and facing the viewer who stares through the fourth wall. We take the details for granted, and miss the reality. Does it matter what kind of bread it was? No. But if it refocuses our attention, makes us start over and look anew, the challenge has served its purpose.

You’ll nothing much happens here. The action, in John, came earlier, with the sacrament that wasn’t. The meal here is shown only in the bread handed to Judas (and how Johannine is that act? Mark, the oldest gospel, has Jesus tell his disciples that the one who dips his bread in the bowl with Jesus, is the betrayer. But Mark doesn’t describe Judas doing that thereafter, so maybe Judas has been doing it all night, and nobody really noticed. But John’s Jesus is always in charge, and hands the fatal sign to Judas after dipping it in the oil. “This is my body,” indeed; and he hands it over to his betrayer.) Again, the servant accepts his fate.

The Crucified God. The power of powerlessness. Death, be not proud.

But then, neither should any of us.

Sunday, December 21, 2025

Mr. Vice President, There’s A Call For You”

Reinhold Niebuhr would like a word.

Monday, August 25, 2025

Who Is Pirro Going To Blame For This?

A former federal prosecutor:
I have literally never heard of three no bills. Even two on a case is incredibly unusual. Any former AUSAs ever hear of such a thing?

Because if you’re the AUSA who presented to the grand jury the first time, you’re just a drone. But if you did it the second or third, you deserve to be famous.
In related legal news, Justices Kavanaugh and Gorsuch made sure to criticize lower courts for not doing what they say, even though in several shadow docket opinions this term, the Court has ruled with little to no explanation why, giving the lower courts no guidance at all. Those interested should read Professor Vladeck on the matter, since the subject defies easy summary.

Although I do like how Justice Brown did it. Gorsuch’s thesis in one sentence is:
“Lower court judges may sometimes disagree with this Court’s decisions, but they are never free to defy them.”
Justice Brown’s riposte is:
 “This is Calvinball jurisprudence with a twist. Calvinball has only one rule: There are no fixed rules. We seem to have two: that one, and this Administration always wins.”
Professor Vladeck ends his analysis of Gorsuch’s opinion with this warning:
These attacks on lower-court judges are troubling enough in the abstract, but it’s even worse for two of the Supreme Court’s justices to give them credence. Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh may think that this is about the relationship between the Supreme Court and lower courts, but it’s also about the relationship between the federal courts and the Trump administration, writ large. If the central claim from the President and his supporters is that unelected judges shouldn’t have the power to thwart President Trump (and are abusing their authority whenever they do so), there’s no way in which that claim can or will be analytically limited to district or circuit judges.

Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh either don’t understand that, or they do. I’m not sure which one is more disconcerting.
The shorter version of that: sauce for the goose is always sauce for the gander. The Trump administration and the Sinister Six seem to live in the same bubble. They’re never going to see the damage they do, until it’s too late. May God have mercy on their souls because, as Niebuhr understood,* the rest of us have no ethical obligation to. Because what we are protecting is our country. We aren’t responsible for their salvation at the cost of our nation.

I know that sounds dramatic. But suddenly, these are dramatic times.
Even the Roberts Court said he can’t do that: I wonder if Gorsuch and Kavanaugh think that’s a ruling lower courts should follow? I suspect we’re going to find out. Yeah, this one’s not going to stay under the stitches. It’s not going to reassure the markets, either. How quickly will Trump ๐ŸŒฎ?



*As concise an explanation as I can give just now:
Reinhold Niebuhr argued that nations must act in their survival interests. Individuals may act unselfishly against their own interests for a higher purpose, but organizations must act selfishly, as their first duty is to preserve the organization. But he did not contend that a nation must act against its own principles. His was not a Machiavellian argument, but an argument against expecting a nation to "do the right thing" according to any given set of moral principles. Nations must act to protect themselves from threat. But the citizens do not have to accept those conditions as the absolute terms of citizenship.
To quote my younger self. (We are strangers to each other, now. I barely remember what he looked like. A fool, most likely. I don’t think that has changed.)

Friday, April 25, 2025

“…Yet We May Safely Pronounce….”

George Conway opines:
Also, they didn’t intend that we vote to elect presidents. They created the electoral college on the express theory that a small but wise group of people chosen from all of the states would exercise better judgment than the voting public. See Federalist No. 68 (Hamilton).

 Or was it never going to work in the first place?

It was desirable that the sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so important a trust was to be confided. This end will be answered by committing the right of making it, not to any preestablished body, but to men chosen by the people for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture.

It was equally desirable, that the immediate election should be made by men most capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station, and acting under circumstances favorable to deliberation, and to a judicious combination of all the reasons and inducements which were proper to govern their choice. A small number of persons, selected by their fellow-citizens from the general mass, will be most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to such complicated investigations.

It was also peculiarly desirable to afford as little opportunity as possible to tumult and disorder. This evil was not least to be dreaded in the election of a magistrate, who was to have so important an agency in the administration of the government as the President of the United States. But the precautions which have been so happily concerted in the system under consideration, promise an effectual security against this mischief. The choice of SEVERAL, to form an intermediate body of electors, will be much less apt to convulse the community with any extraordinary or violent movements, than the choice of ONE who was himself to be the final object of the public wishes. And as the electors, chosen in each State, are to assemble and vote in the State in which they are chosen, this detached and divided situation will expose them much less to heats and ferments, which might be communicated from them to the people, than if they were all to be convened at one time, in one place.

...

All these advantages will happily combine in the plan devised by the convention; which is, that the people of each State shall choose a number of persons as electors, equal to the number of senators and representatives of such State in the national government, who shall assemble within the State, and vote for some fit person as President. Their votes, thus given, are to be transmitted to the seat of the national government, and the person who may happen to have a majority of the whole number of votes will be the President. But as a majority of the votes might not always happen to centre in one man, and as it might be unsafe to permit less than a majority to be conclusive, it is provided that, in such a contingency, the House of Representatives shall select out of the candidates who shall have the five highest number of votes, the man who in their opinion may be best qualified for the office.

The process of election affords a moral certainty, that the office of President will never fall to the lot of any man who is not in an eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications. Talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity, may alone suffice to elevate a man to the first honors in a single State; but it will require other talents, and a different kind of merit, to establish him in the esteem and confidence of the whole Union, or of so considerable a portion of it as would be necessary to make him a successful candidate for the distinguished office of President of the United States. It will not be too strong to say, that there will be a constant probability of seeing the station filled by characters pre-eminent for ability and virtue. And this will be thought no inconsiderable recommendation of the Constitution, by those who are able to estimate the share which the executive in every government must necessarily have in its good or ill administration. Though we cannot acquiesce in the political heresy of the poet who says: "For forms of government let fools contest That which is best administered is best,'' yet we may safely pronounce, that the true test of a good government is its aptitude and tendency to produce a good administration.  
Yeah. Whatever happened to that? 

It’s pretty clear this answer isn’t right:
In their defense, the authors of the Constitution could never have predicted that American voters would be this stupid.
Mind, I’ve never been a fan of a Platonic Republic, either.  

But in response to Mr. Hamilton, even our
...men most capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station, and acting under circumstances favorable to deliberation, and to a judicious combination of all the reasons and inducements which were proper to govern their choice
have not proven themselves. For one, no one expects electors to be solons. I don’t know when they ever did. For another, political parties did a fair job keeping the criminally incompetent away from the White House. Sure, there were several vying for “worst ever” before Trump came along, rather like brooks and streams, did a fair job of filtering out the water ways until the pollution overwhelmed them. I’d argue (probably on weak historical grounds) that FDR was the first president to control his party more than the party controlled him. And FDR had the Great Depression and WWII providing him an opportunity he took at the full (along with his capable leadership) to an unprecedented 4 consecutive terms with which to cement his authority. Which led Reinhold Niebuhr to warn his adult daughter that she’d never lived under a Republican presidency when Eisenhower was elected. He feared for the results.

I think the blue dog Democrats v the anti-war Democrats in the’60’s started the cracks in the party system. Certainly younger voters resented the power of the “smoke-filled rooms;” and there party control and cohesion began to fall away with primaries slowly replacing them. That “democritization” of the process was not exactly what Hamilton had in mind. Not to be discounted were the Goldwaterites and Birchers who took Barry’s’64 defeat as grounds to develop an alternative structure that eventually supplanted the GOP structure via the Tea Party. Political consultants were already selling the President in 1968, and I remember the “shock” when Nixon’s script for the celebration of his nomination in ‘72 (“Spontaneous Applause”) leaked. Political conventions had been seen as raucous affairs. Already by ‘72 they were being scripted. Now, we take that for granted, and even judge the quality of the production. Panem et circenses has replaced the wisdom of a few good men. But then, conventions sold the “wisdom of the crowd” which “wisdom” is how we got Trump, twice. So…

But the party doesn’t really control anything anymore. If Trump tried to run again in ‘28, does anybody think the GOP would stand up for the 22nd amendment? When Mr. Smith went to Washington, Sen. Claude Rains is told, in a minor scene, that the President wants something done (it doesn’t matter what). Rains derisively replies along the lines of “Who does he think he is?” The Congress, the story is telling us, is the source of power in D.C. And the Senate sits at that apex.

How times have changed. Sen. Claude Rains would have sneered at opposition. I can remember Blue Dog Representatives sneering publicly at anti.-war protesters. Now sitting Senators publicly confess at town halls to being scared to show any opposition to Trump. There is no GOP, there is only Trump. And you are either with him, or you are outcast. Of course Republicans have always been more single-minded than Democrats, but Republican Senators reigned in Nixon and convinced him to resign. The best Mitch McConnell could do in the immediate aftermath of J6 was to trust the electorate would never vote for Trump again. And now Mitch is just going home at the end of his term.

It’s worth noting Hamilton didn’t expect the Constitution to save us from ourselves, much less the “design” of the “Founding Fathers.” He put his trust in “men chosen by the people for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture.” And how has that worked out? For one thing, can you imagine the “constitutional crisis” (silly term) if the electoral college last December had said: “Are you FUCKING KIDDING ME?!?!??!!??”, and elected Kamala Harris instead? Lin-Manuel Miranda might have written an approving rap song about it, but that would have been the least controversial response.

Of course, that’s not quite what Hamilton says:
All these advantages will happily combine in the plan devised by the convention; which is, that the people of each State shall choose a number of persons as electors, equal to the number of senators and representatives of such State in the national government, who shall assemble within the State, and vote for some fit person as President.
He makes it sound like there's an election by the people, and another by the electors. And then if the electors happen not to all agree, it goes to the House of Representatives.  Yeah, that’s not the way it works.

But if the electors don’t protect us, who does?
The process of election affords a moral certainty, that the office of President will never fall to the lot of any man who is not in an eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications. Talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity, may alone suffice to elevate a man to the first honors in a single State; but it will require other talents, and a different kind of merit, to establish him in the esteem and confidence of the whole Union, or of so considerable a portion of it as would be necessary to make him a successful candidate for the distinguished office of President of the United States. It will not be too strong to say, that there will be a constant probability of seeing the station filled by characters pre-eminent for ability and virtue.
Ummmm…

So it all does depend on we, the people.  I’ve gotta say, on closer examination, Federalist 68 is a bunch of gobbledygook. The kind of sales pitch Trump and Musk employ, in fact.

Maybe that’s why we fall back on the mythology of the “Founding Fathers.” Besides, this is just depressing:
…yet we may safely pronounce, that the true test of a good government is its aptitude and tendency to produce a good administration.

Wednesday, February 19, 2025

Return To Gone Away

Thought Criminal:
I think American academic habits which Winters demonstrates in the article share something of the late 19th century Vatican in the conventional thinking about America, in that they accept too readily that European definition of "liberalism" when the distinction between that amoral and ultimately anti-egalitarian and so anti-democratic ideology - the ideology of most of the media "liberals" - is destructive of the egalitarian-democratic basis of traditional American liberalism. That a number of neo-fascists in American have styled themselves as "classical liberals" is an important thing to understand.
I attended a presentation/lunch/something? (for the life of me I can’t remember why I was there) where an ordained minister discussed something (?) to do with something we other ordained ministers wanted to know, and it had to do partly with his work in Europe.

Yeah, I realize now I don’t remember anything about that event except his rather fervent desire we not let on to his European colleagues that he was an ordained minister (as if we could), because they would think far less of him. I’m not sure it’s really different in America, at least among the professional classes, where “religion” equals either racial intolerance (Jews v Palestinians), or Bible-thumping know-nothingism. But what made me think of his concern (I’ll be damned if I can remember his comments and thesis, both of which were quite good. Sic transit gloria.), was the distinction mentioned above between the basis of European and American liberalism.

Reading TC’s post, I immediately thought of the Ronantics, who were quite liberal in their beginnings (despite the fact most of them had family money to live, and write, on. Wordsworth became famously politically and socially conservative in middle age.). I’d venture to say that’s the basis of European liberalism, the same basis (identification with the “working class,” albeit from a far more comfortable “leisure class” position. Or at least an educated class one.) as Marxist analysis. There’s a reason Marxism was always more acceptable in European thinking than American, and it has largely to do with religion.

Walt Whitman was the great avatar of “working class” American Romanticism, and his is almost mystical, especially by comparison to Wordsworth’s pantheism grounded in nature. It’s not an accident Thoreau and Emerson ground their Romanticism in vague notions of Eastern religions. Thoreau the naturalist certainly doesn’t ground it in Wordsworth’s adoration of sunrises and clouds.☁️ The simple fact is, Romanticism in America took root in far more fertile religious soil than it did in Europe, where religion was much more a matter of the State, and Romanticism was, especially initially, radically revolutionary.

So it was in America (Whitman, after all, openly celebrated sex, no matter the gender if the partners). But it was revolution grounded in religion, and the revolutionary spirit of the importance of the individual fired both the emphasis on personal salvation, and the Social Gospel emphasis on care for the poor, and so for each other.
Social Gospel, religious social reform movement prominent in the United States from about 1870 to 1920. Advocates of the movement interpreted the kingdom of God as requiring social as well as individual salvation and sought the betterment of industrialized society through application of the biblical principles of charity and justice. The Social Gospel was especially promulgated among liberal Protestant ministers, including Washington Gladden and Lyman Abbott, and was shaped by the persuasive works of Charles Monroe Sheldon (In His Steps: What Would Jesus Do? [1896]) and Walter Rauschenbusch (Christianity and the Social Crisis [1907]). Labour reforms—including the abolition of child labour, a shorter workweek, a living wage, and factory regulation—constituted the Social Gospel’s most prominent concerns. During the 1930s many of these ideals were realized through the rise of organized labour and the legislation of the New Deal by U.S. Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt.

I don’t know which came first: labor unions and labor laws in America, or in Europe. I do know we taught the Nazis how to write race laws and laws against “undesirables” (“Three generations of imbeciles are enough!” US law made the words “moron,” “imbecile,” and “idiot,” legal terms of art.). But a lot of these ideas traded freely back and forth. The interesting consequence, though, is that modern American liberalism, at least, is based in religion through the teachings of the Social Gospel; and yet American liberalism has ceded that ground to conservatives, and aped European liberalism as their standard. Which may go a long way to explaining why they are failing in America.

It also supports Reinhold Niebuhr’s criticism of the Social Gospel emphasis, because its ideal became establishing the basiliea tou theou through government. American conservatism in the’70’s and ‘80’s championed Niebuhr’s critique (misguidedly), until they figured out they could use religion (or just the trappings and vocabulary) to wield government power themselves. And so we have Trump in his second term vowing to make Christianity paramount in the country (although he’s already forgotten he said that).

But if we recover the egalitarian religious basis of American liberalism, and plant it firmly in American soil, rather than trying to grow a European hybrid… ๐Ÿค” 

Tuesday, December 10, 2024

Let Us Now Praise Murder

Young men should not have access to guns. It's tragic that the CEO healthcare is dead but it's also tragic that the shooter's life is effectively over now. He never should have been able to get a gun. He should have just been punching holes in walls and listening to depressing music and so on.
The people angry that health insurance company executives dehumanize people and treat them as mere objects, are more than happy to do that to the alleged assassin of the United Healthcare CEO.

THIS:
I'll end with this. Next term I am taking a pastoral care class. I was thinking this weekend about what would I say to Mr. Thompson's family if they belonged to my congregation. To behave in any way like commentators on the internet would make me a monster. On the other side, what would I say if the family of the accused killer, Luigi Mangione was in my congregation? If I don't think I can provide comfort to both families in my future role as a pastor, then I should quit seminary right now. This is the requirement of caring, responsibility and love.
Reinhold Niebuhr wrote about his experience as a pastor in Detroit in the ‘20’s (I’ve mentioned this before). He preached a scathing sermon after a Christmas time (IIRC) layoff of auto workers. Goo, prophetic stuff. Until a church member on the way out after the service told his pastor how it had gutted him to fire those men.

When I was a pastor I strongly supported the UCC stance on capital punishment (I’m agin it). But a couple in the church had lost their only son to gun violence (a truly senseless street crime; being in the wrong place, wrong time).  They departed the church when they found out the national posture. They were waiting long years for their son’s killer to die. 

They also told the congregation, in an open meeting, that they weren’t leaving because of me, that I had been fully supportive of them. 

You care for the people, not for the ideas. Ideas don’t matter; things don’t matter. People matter.

Saturday, December 07, 2024

Another Advent Meditation

It is, however, fairly consistent with the Biblical witness. And another reason Reinhold Niebuhr was so skeptical about America being “blessed.”

Which also explains why Niebuhr was a publicly respected theologian for such a brief time. Largely immediately after WWII. Things were different then; briefly.

Tuesday, November 26, 2024

Advent Approaches: A Time for Every Purpose Under Heaven



There is an appointed time for everything,
and a time for every affair under the heavens.
A time to be born, and a time to die;
a time to plant, and a time to uproot the plant.
A time to weep, and a time to laugh;
a time to mourn, and a time to dance.

--Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, 4

Love is most nearly itself
When here and now cease to matter.
Old men ought to be explorers
Here and there does not matter
We must be still and still moving
into another intensity
For a further union, a deeper communion
Through the dark cold and the empty desolation,
The wave cry, the wind cry, the vast waters
Of the petrel and the porpoise.  In my end is my
   beginning.

--T.S. Eliot

Behold, now is the acceptable time spoken of by the Spirit, the day of salvation, peace and reconciliation:  the great season of Advent.  This is the time eagerly awaited by the patriarchs and prophets, the time that holy Simeon rejoiced to see.  This is the season that the church has always celebrated with special solemnity.  We too should always observe it with faith and love, offering peace and thanksgiving to the Father for the mercy and love he has shown us in this mystery.

--Charles Borromeo

The reign of God, the eschatological liberation of the world, is already in process. is already being established.  It takes place in concrete modifications of actual life.

--Leonardo Boff


God whose rule is hidden and whose rule will become manifest is ruling now, despite all hiddenness. Realized eschatology is realized theology.

—H. Richard Niebuhr (hat tip to rustypickup)

Monday, November 11, 2024

The Serenity Prayer

God, grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, Courage to change the things I can,
And wisdom to know the difference.

— Reinhold Niebuhr

The author of those words was Reinhold Niebuhr, a pastor of an Evangelical & Reformed Church in Detroit in the 1920's, an era of labor strife; a German-American voice raised against the naivete of the "Social Gospel" and those who feared war more than justice before Pearl Harbor; a professor at Union Theological Seminary; and a tireless worker for social justice and what we would, today, call "liberal," if not "progressive," causes.

When he delivered what we now call "The Serenity Prayer" at a worship service, he was asked for a copy. "Take it," he reportedly said, handing over the slip of paper, "I have no further use for it."

Niebuhr was not at all a sentimentalist. He stood for labor unions in their struggles in Detroit. He tells the story of preaching a fiery sermon against management one Sunday morning, following a round of particularly brutal lay-offs and firings. One of his church members, as he left, looked Niebuhr in the eye, and told him of the week he, a manager, had had: having to call people into his office and fire them. The manager was well aware of the families he was hurting, of the lives he was touching. He made it clear to his pastor that this hadn't been an easy or painless task, and Niebuhr realized such situations are always complex, that there are human beings on all sides.

Elisabeth Sifton, Niebuhr's daughter, wrote an excellent memoir of her father's life: The Serenity Prayer: Faith and Politics in Times of Peace and War. Niebuhr was a friend and advisor and counselor to many of the Democrats in power under FDR. He worked hard for "liberal" political causes, was very concerned about the reconstruction of Germany, about the nature of evil and how it affects international as well as human relationships. I say this because he was a theologian as much as a political scientist, but he blended the two, and even added insights into sociology, in his long career.

But when the war ended, as his daughter makes clear, so did many of his hopes. WWII gave way to the "Red Scare," to Republican presidents and McCarthyism, the ethical questions of the use of nuclear power, to the problems of race relations (which the Republicans worked hard to avoid confronting, even then).

I admire Niebuhr, because he understood things like this:

Democracy has a more compelling justification and requires a more realistic vindication than is given it by the liberal culture with which it has been associated in modern history. The excessively optimistic estimates of human nature and history with which the democratic credo is linked are a source of peril to democratic society, for our contemporary experience refutes this optimism and there is danger that it will seem to refute the democratic ideal as well. Modern democracy requires a more realistic philosophical and religious basis.
When I wrote this 21 years ago, I said: “Given our recent experience, those words could have been written today.” “Today” is still today.

But there is a warning in Niebuhr's life, too. His daughter paints a picture of a man deeply, almost physically, nearly spiritually, disappointed by events. What she writes about could also be taken from the events of today:

Ministers all over America might have been pounding the lecterns and delivering fire-and-brimstone sermons, but their social conformism was pretty complete. Little changed in their privileged lives. They pussyfooted around feel-good mega-preachers like Norman Vincent Peale or Billy Graham-who like so many of their successors never risked their tremendous personal popularity by broaching a difficult spiritual subject, and rarely lifted a finger to help a social cause. They checked up on their pension funds and ignored their parishioners' lives. It's easy enough to assert today, as I do, that Tillich and Niebuhr, or Dun and Temple, or Horton and McConnell were vital presences in the modern life of the Gospel. But they weren't acknowledged as such by most American parsons, and I doubt that they would be today. Freedom and democracy, meanwhile, were being traduced or betrayed. (The Serenity Prayer, Elisabeth Sifton, W.W. Norton, New York, 2003, p. 317)

Ms. Sifton also records a conversation with her father, shortly after Eisenhower wins the Presidency. "You poor girl," he says, without an apparent trace of irony, "you've never lived under a Republican administration. You don't know how terrible this is going to be." (Sifton, p. 328)

Then (21 years ago) as now, a bit of advice about where to put your treasure. The picture of Niebuhr painted by this daughter, wittingly or not, is of a man disappointed in his struggle, who ends perhaps pondering Pound's famous statement about his life's work: "Wrong from the start." Not that Niebuhr despaired as deeply as the poet. But a great deal of what he worked for simply evaporated; if it was ever noticed at all. He was on the cover of TIME (something Trump never achieved) as “America’s Theologian.” But who, aside from people like me, remember him now? A great deal of what he tried to do, was aimed at events simply beyond his control. But he wasn't wrong to do it. It's more a question of emphasis, of wisdom, of, if you will, "serenity." Because of one other thing she says, one other thing that was true about her father. This is, as they say, the "money quote." Or at least it is for me: 

Is it implicit in virtually everything Pa wrote on the subject that there's little point in having a foreign policy, or an arms policy, unless, as a nation, you know who you are, what sort of nation you are or imagine yourself to be. I don't mean in the narrow sense of an instrumentally calculated "national interest" but in the larger spiritual and cultural sense. Pa's constant gripe was that American political leaders imagined a diminished America and presented it falsely, that they themselves were stupider, prouder, more self-righteous, more moralistic, more vain-glorious than the American people on whose behalf they spoke. (Sifton, pp. 329-330)
And before you say “what about the last election?,” I’d remind you of the 71 million who voted for Harris. And urge you to consider we never have to settle for the “stupider, prouder, more self-righteous, more moralistic, more vain-glorious” America some politicians want us to be.

Change the things you can. It’s the only worthwhile effort there is.

Armistice Day 2024

 It's only words....


Kurt Vonnegut, b. November 11, 1922, d. April 11, 2007.
I will come to a time in my backwards trip when November eleventh, accidentally my birthday, was a sacred day called Armistice Day. When I was a boy, and when Dwayne Hoover was a boy, all the people of all the nations which had fought in the First World War were silent during the eleventh minute of the eleventh hour of Armistice Day, which was the eleventh day of the eleventh month.

It was during that minute in nineteen hundred and eighteen, that millions upon millions of human beings stopped butchering one another. I have talked to old men who were on battlefields during that minute. They have told me in one way or another that the sudden silence was the Voice of God. So we still have among us some men who can remember when God spoke clearly to mankind. 

"The sudden silence was the Voice of God."

Precisely so.

"The ceremony of innocence is drowned...."


"The blood swept lands and seas of red...."

Yeats was not imagining things.  We forget; we would do well to remember.

My grandfather was a bomber in World War I.  I saw an old picture of his plane on his desk at his home when I was young.  He sat well forward of the pilot, in a bi-plane with an extended fuselage, a "snout," a "cockpit" like pilots and other passengers had on such planes.  Except he literally leaned over the side of the plane and dropped bombs by hand.  I never asked him about that war; I was too young to care.  My uncle was in France in World War II, or so I remember being told once.  He never talked about the war, either.  My brother-in-law was a Captain in the Green Beret in Vietnam.  He was in Laos and Cambodia before we were in (officially, anyway), either country.  His war experiences are a sealed book, too.  Perhaps it is just as well.

O Christ, son of the living God, have mercy upon us.
Thou that sits at the right hand of the Father, have mercy upon us;
And deliver us for thy Name's sake.

AMEN.

O Christ, when thou didst open thine eyes on this fair earth, the angels greeted thee as the Prince of Peace and besought us to be of good will toward one another; but thy triumph is delayed and we are weary of war.

SAVE US AND HELP US, O LORD AND MASTER.

O Christ, the very earth groans with pain as the feet of armed men march across thy mangled form.

SAVE US AND HELP US, O LORD AND MASTER.

O Christ, may the Church, whom thou didst love into life; not fail thee in her witness for the things for which thou didst live and die.

TEACH US TO DO THY HOLY WILL, O LORD AND MASTER.

O Christ, the people who are called by thy Name are separated from each other in thought and life; still our tumults, take away our vain imaginings, and grant to thy people at this time the courage to proclaim the gospel of forgiveness, and faithfully to maintain the ministry of reconciliation.

TEACH US TO DO THY HOLY WILL, O LORD AND MASTER

O Christ, come to us in our sore need and save us;
O God, plead thine own cause and give us help, for vain is the help of man.

SAVE US AND HELP US, O LORD AND MASTER.

O Christ of God, by thy birth in the stable, save us and help us;
By thy toil at the carpenter's bench, save us and help us;
By thy sinless life, save us and help us;
By thy cross and passion, save us and help us.

SAVE US AND HELP US, O LORD AND MASTER.

Prayer for Peace, the Evangelical and Reformed Church




"The Lord has plucked up proud men by their roots, and planted the lowly peoples." "He hath put down the mighty." - from the daily office in May, 1965.

If I were more fully attentive to the word of God I would be much less troubled and disturbed by the events of our time; not that I would be indifferent or passive, but I could gain strength of union with the deepest currents of history, the sacred currents, which run opposite to those on the surface a great deal of the time!

--Thomas Merton

The Roman Empire was based on the common principle of peace through victory, or, more fully, on a faith in the sequence of piety, war, victory, and peace. Paul was a Jewish visionary following in Jesus' footsteps, and they both claimed that the Kingdom of God was already present and operative in this world. He opposed the mantras of Roman normalcy with a vision of peace through justice, or, more fully, with a faith in the sequence of covenant, nonviolence, justice, and peace. 

In Search of Paul, John Dominic Crossan and Jonathan L. Reed, (New York: HarperCollins 2004), xi. 

World War I ended at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month of 1918, yet an irresistible current of nihilism had been set loose. Fought in the name of democracy, that war was in fact a triumph of militarism and imperialism - on all sides. It led to the punitive imposition of artificial borders in Europe, which were the immediate cause of World War II; in the Middle East, the remote cause of today's most dangerous conflicts; and in Africa, where consequent genocide has found its niche. Perhaps most damaging was the 1914 legitimizing of mass violence, with the trenches anticipating both gas chambers and the unleashed atom. Hitler and Stalin were empowered by the so-called Great War, which is why both World War II and the Cold War should always be considered in its context. To regard all three conflicts as a single War of the 20th Century obliterates any notion that categories of "just war" apply.

What are we to make of these three anniversaries? First, while honoring the memory of veterans tomorrow, we should also acknowledge that the Great War was a mistake. America should never have joined. Second, in properly recalling the demonic Hitler's antisemitism, we can also reckon with the complicity of a larger culture. What crimes make us bystanders today? And third, trumping the horrors of the 20th century, its most important event was the nonviolent resolution of the nuclear-armed Cold War. "Power to the people" proved true, and what they used their power for was peace. Three anniversaries, with emphasis given to hope.
--James Carroll
At the root of Niebuhr's thinking lies an appreciation of original sin, which he views as indelible and omnipresent. In a fallen world, power is necessary, otherwise we lie open to the assaults of the predatory. Yet since we too number among the fallen, our own professions of innocence and altruism are necessarily suspect. Power, wrote Niebuhr, "cannot be wielded without guilt, since it is never transcendent over interest." Therefore, any nation wielding great power but lacking self-awareness - never an American strong suit - poses an imminent risk not only to others but to itself. Here lies the statesman's dilemma: You're damned if you do and damned if you don't. To refrain from resisting evil for fear of violating God's laws is irresponsible. Yet for the powerful to pretend to interpret God's will qualifies as presumptuous. To avert evil, action is imperative; so too is self-restraint. Even worthy causes pursued blindly yield morally problematic results.

--Andrew Bacevich



Give ear, O Shepherd of Israel, you who lead Joseph like a flock! You who are enthroned upon the cherubim, shine forth

before Ephraim and Benjamin and Manasseh. Stir up your might, and come to save us!

Restore us, O God; let your face shine, that we may be saved.

O LORD God of hosts, how long will you be angry with your people's prayers?

You have fed them with the bread of tears, and given them tears to drink in full measure.

You make us the scorn of our neighbors; our enemies laugh among themselves.

Restore us, O God of hosts; let your face shine, that we may be saved.

But let your hand be upon the one at your right hand, the one whom you made strong for yourself.

Then we will never turn back from you; give us life, and we will call on your name.

Restore us, O LORD God of hosts; let your face shine, that we may be saved.

Wednesday, November 06, 2024

Hard Core Calvinism

 I always think people are better than this.

And I’m always disappointed. ☹️ 

I have an excellent book on monastic practice which I discovered last night (on my Kindle; forgot it was even there). I’m going to spend a great deal of time with it because politics is like candy: empty calories and you never feel good when the sugar rush ends.

Besides, Advent is coming. I can’t/won’t abandon my interests (I know better than that), but good time for a reset.

I’d pretty much gotten used to the politics of Texas. Now I’ve learned again those politics are national. ๐Ÿ’ฉ 

Time to refocus. Reinhold Niebuhr warned his daughter, when Eisenhower was elected, that she had no idea what a Republican presidency would be like. Sure enough; it gets worse. And I can’t help but see it all as a reaction, not to current Democratic policies, but to the election of JFK and then LBJ. Something deep in the core of the nation’s culture, IOW.

May you live in interesting times, eh?

Saturday, October 19, 2024

Almost Tempted

I’m a sucker for a Reinhold Niebuhr reference.

Saturday, June 29, 2024

So What Else Is New?

Adlai Stevenson is the politician I keep thinking of, the policy wonk with good ideas who rallied the delegates at the ‘52 convention and reluctantly won the nomination. He went on to lose against Ike in ‘52 and ‘56.
Stevenson dramatized the complex feelings of educated elites, some of whom came to adore him not because he was a liberal, but because he was not...he spoke a language that set apart from average Americans an increasingly college-educated population. His approach to voters as rational participants in a process that depended on weighing the issues attracted reformers, intellectuals, and middle-class women with time and money (the "Shakespeare vote", joked one columnist). Or as one enthralled voter wrote "You were too good for the American people."
Ike was hardly a narcissist, but Nixon was hardly Ike. Among GOP presidents in the 20th century, in fact, Ike is the anomaly. Nixon had Watergate; Reagan Iran:Contra (and damned near Reykjavik, another kind of scandal); Poppy was eyeballs deep in Iran/Contra and effectively self-pardoned his way out of it; Shrub had the gross incompetence of Katrina and Iraq (WMD that weren’t), and Dick Cheney running the Administration as he and Rumsfeld saw fit; and Trump was Shrub on steroids: even more incompetent, but without even Cheney and Rumsfeld to cover him.

Trump is the apotheosis of GOP Presidents of the last 100 years. And of course he’s a narcissist. You have to have a pretty strong ego, at least, to rise that far.

But the system has always favored bullshitters. Government has always served those with power. The government set up by the Constitution tried to disseminate that power: to land-owning white men, who happened to be all the delegates in Philadelphia. Only after a bloody civil war, which was a fight for power, did that start to change. Even then women got the vote before blacks got the Voting Rights Act (which the Roberts Court then took away).

Machine politics favored the Democrats and those who ran the “machine.”  But Republicans were pretty much interested in rule in the 20th century: McCarthy and Nixon wanted the power to decide who was, and was not, a communist, the better to decide who was, and was not, fit for American society. Reagan was little different, but he did it against “welfare queens in Cadillacs,” for political power. Shrub let Rumsfeld and Cheney act like Masters of the Universe. Closing the circle, MTG aspires no higher today than McCarthy and Nixon did. She even uses the same, now woefully outdated, vocabulary.

Wielding power is all about being selfish enough to think you know how to do it “right.” That’s a necessary evil, but it always exposes us to the rule of the narcissist. That’s a necessary evil, too. The system can’t be closed to it anymore than a more formal system can produce all the answers to all the questions it can generate.  There is no closed system that suits all needs, answers all will questions, meets all threats to its function. Nor do we have anything like a closed system in American politics. It used to be a more controlled system: Stevenson won the nomination in 1952 because of his speeches to the convention. Reformers democratized the convention to give power to people, not party satraps; to open the “closed system” to the people. And so we got: Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan; and Bill Clinton; and Shrub (both undistinguished governors from overlook estates. What quality if governor has either state produced since?); and, again the apotheosis of this process: Trump.

And a lot of incumbents in Congress who used to be marginally, at least, interested in the goals of their parties; but now are only interested in their social media status or staying the incumbent. Either way it seems to require no legislative effort whatsoever, and a lot of attention to taking care of oneself.

Such is the nature of progress.

As for the “public debate:” Jules Verne’s world traveler Phineas Fogg crosses the American plain and comes across a small town where a riot is in progress. Except it’s not a riot, it’s a political campaign: for the local dog catcher. American politics has never been a debate in the agora among gentlemen farmers. To read Plato’s “Apology,” it seldom was in Athens, either. If you’ll recall, Socrates antagonizes the Athenian citizenry for what are really his own selfish reasons. And honestly, no small part of Socrates’ “wisdom” is just Plato favoring Socrates’ “bullshit answers.” Plato makes sure Socrates wins the argument, mostly by keeping the rules of discussion unnaturally narrow. Power is all about who’s in control.

Real solutions to real problems is a matter of consensus that is the result of argument. But real solutions are ephemeral and short-lived when found. The Civil Rights Act was a real solution to a real problem; but its real implementation in affirmative action is all but dead, because it’s seen as unfair to white people.

And now there are politicians and would-be power brokers who want to take the vote away from women and revoke the civil rights act. These, too, are real problems, with real solutions.

Those solutions are at the ballot box.

There was no public consensus when LBJ, the only modern president to be more productive than Joe Biden in four years, passed the CRA and the VRA and Medicare and so many laws that basically created the America we take for granted now. There never is, even long after the fact. The public consensus was that the South well and truly lost the war. Within a generation the loss was the betrayed “Lost Cause.” and it was about sovereignty and independence and “state’s rights,” and never about something as ugly as slavery. And that “consensus,” held by a diminishing few, is still creating real problems; and is still a form of group narcissism, if such a thing can be said to exist.

The tendency towards selfishness will always be with us, as will its extreme in narcissism. Reinhold Niebuhr understood that society’s must act in their self-interest, or forfeit their rights to being a society (which exists, after all, to provide for its members). A truly selfless political leader would be as disastrous as a truly narcissistic one. It’s up to the political structure of the society to avoid the one as much as the other. Nothing else can do it.