I never practiced criminal law; never even pretended to. My first encounter with law at all, in law school, was common law. The law of property, of torts, of contracts; all rooted in common law concepts. The same was true for criminal law: common law concepts like mens rea were paramount. But it was impressed upon me that there were no common law crimes; not in America. Assault might be a common law tort, but criminal assault was a statutory matter, or it wasn’t a crime at all.
"Here’s what happened: After the FBI communicated with the Democratic lawmakers, prosecutors in Pirro’s office reached out to them to follow up," Sargent wrote. "Slotkin’s attorney, Preet Bharara, directly asked prosecutors what statute the Democrats had allegedly violated to prompt the criminal inquiry, according to sources familiar with these discussions. The prosecutors could not name any statute, the sources told me."The first lesson I learned in law school was that even when the client said, “I’m in a bad mood and I want to sue,” that wasn’t enough. Most of my work was defense, and the first thing we analyzed was what violation of law was alleged. The classic scene is in “The Dark Knight,” when Batman has single-handedly extradited the mob’s money man, and prosecutors have to decide how to charge him. After a few questions of the prisoner, they hit upon it: RICO. Now, that’s pure fiction, but it’s pretty much how it works. You can’t put someone in jail and just say “Judge, he’s bad man, and he done wrong.”
“'What is the theory of criminal liability?' is the question that was posed to the prosecutors, one source said, adding that 'no answer was forthcoming.'"
Prosecutors went forward in their attempt to indict the members of Congress without naming any violated statute, and Sargent said that it still hasn't been definitively confirmed what statue they used in their ultimately doomed grand jury hearing.
"The failure to name a relevant statute when directly asked to do so by the lawyers for the accused suggests prosecutors didn’t think a criminal prosecution was warranted or doubted there was probable cause to think the Democrats had committed a crime," Sargent wrote. "In fact, one source familiar with these discussions tells me the prosecutors’ general tone in them suggested they were making the sort of inquiry that normally comes at the very outset of the investigative process."
One of the sources said that prosecutors – neither of whom had much prior experience – seemed to be at the "very preliminary" stage in their investigation when they presented their evidence to a grand jury, and Sargent said that's a worrisome sign.
"For the DOJ to seek an indictment so soon after conversations like those suggests something or other prompted the rush to indict, perhaps a word from on high that — let’s go way out on a limb here — had little to do with facts and law," he wrote. "Legal experts tell me it’s odd for prosecutors to fail to state any theory of criminal liability and then attempt an indictment anyway so quickly."
While this effort, like others before it, collapsed in clumsy defeat, Sargent warned that Trump would continue abusing his authority to punish his enemies.
"There’s always bad news in the Trump era [but] a dynamic has kicked in that is oddly helpful to him," Sargent wrote. "Thanks to the knee-slapping, comic-relief-inducing nature of these failures, the authoritarian abuses underlying them risk being seen as less threatening than they actually are. That could potentially disarm us for the next round, which will surely come."
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