Friday, October 14, 2022

Context Is...Oops!

That's very pragmatic, which is fair enough. But I think we can safely say that Democrats no longer need to listen to the religious right's pompous braying about "character" and have absolutely no obligation to give them any credence when it comes to morals and values. They are political actors, doing what political actors do. And we know they're religious phonies too: Look at what happens to those who refuse to go along, like theologian Russell Moore, a former leading figure in the Southern Baptist Convention who quit rather than continue to support the moral rot at the heart of his organization, which includes a cult-like devotion to Donald Trump. The contrast couldn't be more obvious.

NOW we "can safely say that Democrats no longer need to listen to the religious right's pompous braying about "character"?

Does no one remember the collapse of the televangelists in the '80's?  Jim and Tammy Faye, anybody?  Jimmy Swaggart weeping crocodile tears?  And somehow Ralph Reed continues to be the true teflon public personality. 

Reed was named in the scandal arising from lobbying work performed by Jack Abramoff on behalf of Indian gambling tribes. E-mails released by federal investigators in June 2005 revealed that Reed secretly accepted payments from Abramoff to lobby against Indian casino gambling and oppose an Alabama education lottery.[25] Additional e-mails released in November 2005 show that Reed also worked for another Abramoff client seeking to block a congressional ban on Internet gambling. These cases are being investigated by multiple federal and state grand juries and by the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. Abramoff pleaded guilty to three felony counts in federal court, raising the prospects of Abramoff testifying against others.

Those e-mails and other evidence revealed the participation of the Christian Coalition in the alleged fraud, particularly the Alabama chapter of the Christian Coalition, which received large amounts of donations from the casino money. It is alleged that Abramoff engaged Reed to set up an anti-gambling campaign to include the U.S. Family Network, the Christian Coalition, and Focus on the Family in order to frighten the tribes into spending as much as $82 million for Abramoff to lobby on their behalf. To represent him in connection with the scandal, Reed retained defense attorney W. Neil Eggleston, then of Debevoise & Plimpton LLP. Eggleston served as White House associate counsel during the administration of President Bill Clinton.

In 2004, Reed confirmed that he had been paid more than $1 million in fees by lobbyists working on behalf of American Indian casinos.[31]

In December 2005, three Texas public interest groups filed a complaint with Travis County Attorney David Escamilla on December 1, 2005, alleging that Reed failed to register as a lobbyist in 2001 or 2002 when he was working for Abramoff.[32] Escamilla said on March 27, 2006, "his office had concluded its investigation – but that a two-year statute of limitations on misdemeanors from 2001 and 2002 had expired."

On June 22, 2006, the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs released its final report on the scandal.[34] The report said that Reed had used his contacts to conservative Christian groups to prevent the opening or expansion of casinos competing with the casinos operated by Abramoff's clients from 1998 to 2002 and that he had been paid a total of $5.3 million through Abramoff's law firm and from organizations controlled by Abramoff's partner Michael Scanlon.[35][36] The report did not accuse Reed of having known about Abramoff's illegal activities.[35]

The report further states that under the guidance of the Mississippi Choctaw tribe's planner, Nell Rogers, the tribe agreed to launder money because "Ralph Reed did not want to be paid directly by a tribe with gaming interests." It also states that Reed used non-profits, like Grover Norquist's Americans for Tax Reform, as pass-throughs to disguise the origin of the funds, and that "the structure was recommended by Jack Abramoff to accommodate Mr. Reed’s political concerns."[34]

Reed was never charged with any wrongdoing concerning the Indian gambling scandals.

I don't care about Reed's criminal culpability; but the man is as slimy as a snake and as crooked as a dog's hind leg. That recital is a very anodyne recounting of Reed's cynicism and hucksterism and sheer disinterest in anything approaching a moral sense.  This has, in other words, been going on for at least four decades.  Jerry Falwell rose to national prominence because he was a racist huckster, not because he was a Baptist saint.  Pat Robertson, it should never be forgotten, ran for President in the GOP primaries (he disappeared beneath the waves and gave up being "political" for the most part after that, except for "culture war" issues.).

Nothing about the current situation is new or novel; it's just that the "giants" have all passed from the scene, and the culture that supported evangelicals/fundamentalists in the public spotlight, has moved on.  And yes, it's taking those churches with it.

Protestantism has the peculiarity of always having been a product of the immediate culture, rather than an institution in its own right (the Roman Catholic Church).  Neither model is without critique or flaw, but Protestantism is watching as the culture passes it by.  There was a United Church of Christ church (then E&R) in St. Louis that was "the" church in what was then an important American city (site of the World's Fair, which park still stands and still offers the museum built for that fair, and an aviary still in use and wonderful to visit are both places).  This was the church of the carriage trade and every politician who came to town, from the Governor on down.  They had their own staff to cook meals, their own silverware pattern and china pattern (still on display in the church).  And it's all gone but the memories.  I was last there (first and only time) in the mid '90's.  I wouldn't be surprised if it was no longer a church at all by now.  The culture, you see, moved on.

Roman Catholic churches close, too.  They are expected to sustain themselves and a priest, and some eventually can't.  But Protestantism can't sustain itself at all if it isn't reflective of the culture of the people who sustain it.  That decline came first for the "mainline" denominations, the ones with European roots.  Now it's catching up with the American (i.e., non-European) churches.  Which is not to say every Protestant church in America will soon be shuttered; not at all.  But the culture that sustained them, and that they sustained, is gone.  They became "liberal" because the culture around them became more pronouncedly "conservative," and that led to the rise of the  Southern Baptists and other similarly "conservative" denominations and non-denominational mega-churches.  But the latter are no longer the wave of the future, and the former find they must become more and more overtly political just to survive.

But it's a survival tactic that just hastens their decline into irrelevance.  Where once church leaders had to be moral exemplars (and mega-church pastors find the limits of their charisma as they are exposed as less than moral themselves), now denominations (at least; mega-churches tend to be singular.  Some like a political pastor; some don't) find the morals of their leaders matter far less than their politics.  Which, yes, is entirely what's wrong with them

But this is old news.  Older than me, at least.  And while only now is the fall apparent, that's been coming ever since Jerry Falwell decided integrated schools would not do and church schools for white kids (which is the only reason they were started, at least by the churches that never had schools before (so excluding Catholics and Episcopalians)) were demanded by God because race-mixing was an offense to man (if not God).  And I'll go back again to a decade before Falwell, when Dr. King upbraided the churches for not supporting the civil rights movement.  It was a moral tongue-lashing most didn't feel because morality was mighty inconvenient where status quo and "don't rock the boat" were concerned.  Which is to say it's been coming ever since the Boomers realized their parents were not cool with radical changes in the social order.  And while the Boomers grew up to reconcile themselves to white privilege, their children learned the lessons the Boomers had outgrown.

When I published those quotes from Tocqueville, I thought I had already published this.  It was fresh in my mind, but not in anybody else's.  Context is all, and I forgot to supply the context. So here it partially is; an incomplete post I'm not likely now to get around to finishing.  But hey, this platform is free, too, right?

3 comments:

  1. The following has been banging around my to-do box for months. I was almost ready to delete it because I haven’t had the time to really flesh out my thoughts, but I will instead put it here in (several) comments mostly as a placeholder for myself to get back to it when life is slightly less chaotic

    I hope you will indulge me to touch upon this post, but to really comment on a number of related ideas of rights, politics and faith that have been running through my head this summer. Let me start with this post from Lawyers, Guns and Money that I have returned to a number of times in the last month. https://www.lawyersgunsmoneyblog.com/2022/07/neoliberalisms-90s-triumph
    The post is interesting for the main premise, but it was the last third, where it wandered away from the book review, that really caught my attention. "Democrats today fall into two general camps, to be overly broad for the purposes of this post. The first is the Bernie type, which, to be shallow about it, tries to bring back the old class politics and often gives social issues short shrift. " and "But what we talk about a lot less is the other side of this–the child of neoliberalism at the very least. That is the more common Democratic politician who is quite good on individual social issues–strongly pro-choice, pro-gay marriage, pro-trans rights, pro a lot of things that we hold dear. But they are often actually pretty crappy on class-based issues."
    While overbroad, I do tend to agree that Democrats have two overlapping constellations of groups that can be very roughly divided into these two camps. The first tends to be very anti-establishment and looking for a revolution to tear it all down. The second, (and this describes a lot of my college friends) is often filled with what I think of as limousine liberals, great on LGBTQ+ rights, racial issues, pro-choice and such, but hostile to social welfare, public schools, unions and highly supportive of the current social order that supports their privilege and doesn’t increase their taxes.

    Adding to the swirling mix of my ideas was a sermon I attended a few weeks ago. Here is a link to the text,
    http://pastorjohanna.blogspot.com/2022/08/sermon-prince-of-peace-or-king-of.html
    “Jesus and Ulysses Grant are somewhat on the same page about this: sometimes in order to achieve lasting peace, we must first go through a period of great disruption, destruction, or pain. When I say peace, I’m not talking about the sort of peace that comes from denial, or avoidance, or dishonesty, or harmful accommodation. Those things may provide a quick, but fleeting peace for us, which is why we gravitate there (we can agree that closing the blinds and watching something funny on TV can be a helpful escape). But such tactics do not bring lasting peace for us, nor for God’s people more broadly.”

    The third piece of this wandering thought process has been the discussions between the Thought Criminal and RMJ on rights. There are too many posts to cite but the discussions has been lively and enlightening.

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  2. All of these have further energized the question I am have been pondering on the intersection of religious belief and political belief. Since both engage with moral discussions, there is inevitably overlap and interaction. None of this is new, and RMJ has many times discussed how we can bend our religious belief to match our political belief. When this happens, my general sense is that political belief almost always wins out. While it has been more obvious with Evangelicals and their embracing of Donald Trump, I don’t think this is solely something of the right wing. For myself, I came back to formal religion in my 30’s, long after I had established my political views. It’s natural that I would gravitate to a form of Christian belief that wasn’t substantially at odds with my then political views. This was further complicated by having returned to religious faith via a 12 step program. Having gained sustained sobriety with AA, it’s first not surprising I would hold with the belief of a higher power of one’s own understanding, along with a very ecumenical understanding of god, and second I would be more strongly drawn to a those denominations that are more tolerant of those first views.

    In other words, is my current religious belief merely a careful selection of denomination and home church to match my politics? Having started to attempt some form of self-examination of my motives and current beliefs, I think the answer is basically no. Through my 20’s I was easily the Bernie kind of liberal, sure that a “revolution” (just go in and with a wave of a wand more than anything that involves violence) of some sort would just fix all these problems. It was big business, big government and the rich that was holding us all down. I returned to formalized faith at the same Congregational church (UCC) where I left it 15+ years before as a high school student that refused to be confirmed. That particular church wasn’t especially liberal and there was certainly a more conservative part of the congregation where I could have fit in had I chosen so. Instead, I gravitated to, and was motivated by a sense of faith that was more demanding of recognizing those that Jesus calls us to serve with a strong sense of social ministry. The same happened as we moved and found new churches, Presbyterian, then Lutheran, a stint with the Church of England on a 4 year overseas work assignment, back to the Lutherans and now a muddled mix of the Congregationalists again, along with the Unitarians. In each case I have gravitated to the much more liberal ends of these denominations even as many of the actual church congregations were solidly middle of the road (as an aside, I found almost all the clergy at the churches I have attended to be more liberal, even radical, than the congregations they served).

    My political views have changed, and on a number of issues I can directly see my faith as having influenced or even driven the change. The place I now occupy doesn’t fit well into either of the categories of the LGM post. It both values individual rights and also sees individuals as part of groups. The recent discussions by the Thought Criminal have hit at those places where non-religious liberalism completely fails. Putting the LGM post and the posts here together, for myself I am interested in by the failures of liberalism by both groups. What of having a religious faith, helps avoid the deficiencies of either of the groups? Here is where I have a few thoughts that need a lot more development and testing before I can be sure I am heading in the right direction, but I will throw them out for discussion.

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  3. To really believe that we are called to love one another as commanded by God, is to engage in love not as an abstract matter but at the most personal. That means to love them, not their position, not their education, or money, or more, but just for being created by God. In such a case to not love because of race, political belief, sexual orientation or any of the other myriad of ways we divide ourselves, is to fail at that commandment. More though, is to recognize that to love someone is also to take some responsibility. If they are hungry, they need to be fed. If naked, they need to clothed. If they are oppressed, be that by other groups, government, institutions, we need to relieve that oppression. The Bernie group wants to put everyone in classes and relieve the oppression between the classes, but fails to see the individual and their individual needs. It’s why the Bernie-ites were pretty bad on racial issues, homophobia and other factors that are more individual. On the other hand, the limousine liberals send to be highly focused on only the individual and miss those needs that extend across groups such as poverty, lack of access to housing and decent education.

    Finally, the sermon by Pastor Johanna Rehbaum poked at a very real world example of these intersections of faith and politics. Amnesty International issued a report on supposed Ukrainian war crimes that was heavily, and rightly criticized for having completely missed what is happening in the war. Similarly, Noam Chomsky, a paragon of liberalism for many on the left (not me, there have been a number of times previously where I just could not agree with his positions) has been calling for peace, lobbying for NATO countries to deny weapons to Ukraine and taking positions that are effectively pro-Russian. I think in both cases, AI and Chomsky have elevated ideas of peace over actual people and how they experience peace. It’s peace from 10,000 feet, which looks nice. At the ground level, peace without justice is just various forms of oppression.

    As I said, there is a lot, lot more to work out but here is a bare start. I ask your grace and patience with my comments.

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