Wednesday, March 12, 2008

Don't Cry for Admiral Fallon



My mistake was starting here:

By all accounts, the points of contention between Fallon and Bush administration officials centered on three points: 1) his belief that the indefinite occupation of Iraq is a disaster for the US military, 2) that diplomacy has a central role in American foreign and national security policy, 3) that war is not a credible policy for the US to pursue in dealing with Iran. The last of these was believed to be the key issue.
When, as any scholar knows, I should have gone to the source:

Just as Fallon took over Centcom last spring, the White House was putting itself on a war footing with Iran. Almost instantly, Fallon began to calmly push back against what he saw as an ill-advised action. Over the course of 2007, Fallon's statements in the press grew increasingly dismissive of the possibility of war, creating serious friction with the White House.

Last December, when the National Intelligence Estimate downgraded the immediate nuclear threat from Iran, it seemed as if Fallon's caution was justified. But still, well-placed observers now say that it will come as no surprise if Fallon is relieved of his command before his time is up next spring, maybe as early as this summer, in favor of a commander the White House considers to be more pliable. If that were to happen, it may well mean that the president and vice-president intend to take military action against Iran before the end of this year and don't want a commander standing in their way.

And so Fallon, the good cop, may soon be unemployed because he's doing what a generation of young officers in the U. S. military are now openly complaining that their leaders didn't do on their behalf in the run-up to the war in Iraq: He's standing up to the commander in chief, whom he thinks is contemplating a strategically unsound war.
Which makes Fallon sound like a reasonable guy a progressive could have a beer with. Perhaps. But finish reading:

It's not that Fallon is risk averse--anything but. "When I look at the Middle East," he says late one recent night in Afghanistan, "I'd just as soon double down on the bet."

When Fallon is serious, his voice is feathery and he tends to speak in measured koans that, taken together, say, Have no fear. Let Washington be a tempest. Wherever I am is the calm center of the storm.

And Fallon is in no hurry to call Iran's hand on the nuclear question. He is as patient as the White House is impatient, as methodical as President Bush is mercurial, and simply has, as one aide put it, "other bright ideas about the region." Fallon is even more direct: In a part of the world with "five or six pots boiling over, our nation can't afford to be mesmerized by one problem."
So it's not really a question of averting war; it's a question of choosing your battles. And there are so many, many battles for a warrior to choose:

And if it comes to war?

"Get serious," the admiral says. "These guys are ants. When the time comes, you crush them."
Right. Soon as we get through crushing those ants in Afghanistan and Iraq, right, Admiral?

Chris Floyd has much more on Adm. Fallon, and he has this to say about the article everyone is now saying is responsible for the fall of this "Good Cop":

What we are seeing, quite simply, is an imperial proconsul in action. There is no difference whatsoever between Fallon's role and that of the proconsuls sent out by the Roman emperors to deal with the wars and tribes and client kingdoms of the empire's far-flung provinces. There too, the Emperor could not simply snap his fingers and bend every event to his will; there had to be some cajoling, compromise, occasional setbacks. But behind everything lurked the threat of Roman military power and the promise of ruin and death if Rome's interests were not accommodated in the end. It is the same with America's proconsuls today.

Nowhere in the article – nor anywhere else in the well-wadded bastions of the "bipartisan foreign policy community" (and amongst its fawning scribes) – will you find even the slightest inkling of a doubt that America should be comporting itself as an imperial power in this way.
Which may, or may not, be a fair reading of the article; but one should judge for oneself, not in accordance with "all accounts." Speaking of which, Josh Marshall said:

It is widely believed in media and political circles that despite the difficulties in Iraq and Afghanistan, American foreign policy is back under some kind of adult/mainstream management. In other words, that we've left the Cheney/Rumsfeld era behind for a period of Gates/Rice normalcy and that Iran regime change adventurism is safely off the table. But put together what the disagreements with Fallon were about, the fact that the president chose him as someone he thought he could work with not more than one year ago, and the almost unprecedented nature of the resignation and it becomes clear that that assumption must be gravely in error.
Well, it probably is a grave error, but it's not because Adm. Fallon is no longer there to protect us. It's more because a man hears what he wants to hear, and disregards the rest. Or, as the saying has it: "Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on...shame on...Won't get fooled again!"

At least we won't be shamed.

Tuesday, March 11, 2008

It's getting more and more absurd



Lost in the fog of Eliot Spitzer's sexual preferences is the story of Rep. Steve King and his opinion of Barack Obama's candidacy. It is "buffoonery," but in that same post Obama was criticized for not responding more forcefully to the charges. "They're getting killed with this kind of stuff," David Kurtz insisted (and then along came Eliot Spitzer....). But there's something to be said for giving the guy enough rope he hangs himself, which apparently Rep. King has done:

Rep, King has continued to defend his comments, telling the AP that Obama will "certainly be viewed as a savior" for terrorists. "That's why you will see them supporting him, encouraging him."

And he told Bill O'Reilly last night: "They see the ethnic bond with Obama. They will see him as one of them -- and he will not be able to convince them that he's gonna hold his ground, so it encourages the enemy." To his credit, O'Reilly rejects King's invocation of Obama's middle name ("it could work to our favor") as well as the notion that Obama would be soft on terror ("He has been a tough guy on al-Qaeda").
King dropped the "optics" comment, apparently (because, after all, he said: "I don’t want to disparage anyone because of their, their race, their ethnicity, their name - whatever their religion their father, father might have been." So he's not a racist. Get it?). But Obama has an "ethnic bond" with terrorists because of...well, what, exactly? His skin color, only now Re. King won't say that? His name? Because all Muslims are terrorists, just like all Christians are Catholics? Protestants? Orthodox? Copts?

I know it's not that easy to recognize that Islam is as diverse and complex as Christianity, but I think most people have an inkling that "Muslim" does not equal "Terrorist." And when even Bill O'Reilly isn't buying the spiel, it's hard to see how this stuff is "killing you."

Indeed, I think Obama's candidacy (support him or not), indicates we've had about enough of this kind of politics for awhile. So I think Obama's response is about right:

On King, Obama said the Iowa Republican had it "backwards." "The fact that the continuation of a presence in Iraq as Senator McCain has suggested is exactly what, I think, will fan the flames of anti-American sentiment and make it more difficult for us to create a long-term and sustainable peace in the world," he said. "But I have to say that Mr. King and individuals like him thrive on offensive or controversial statements as a way to get in the papers, so I don’t take it too seriously. I would hope Senator McCain would want to distance himself from that kind of inflammatory and offensive remarks.”
Of course, now that Admiral Fallon has suddenly resigned, nobody really cares what Rep. King is saying, either. And the question of who is the next President suddenly becomes less important than the question: How do we restrain this President? King's brand of smear politics will disappear for now, to reappear later. It is as American as violence and cherry pie. It will come back into vogue again someday. But not, I think, today, thank you.

Today we have to worry, again, about staying out of Iran.

Later that same day....

Oh, crap:

Ferraro told the Daily Breeze of Torrance, Calif.: "If Obama was a white man, he would not be in this position. And if he was a woman (of any color) he would not be in this position. He happens to be very lucky to be who he is. And the country is caught up in the concept."
This post is not even cold, and I find this kind of nonsense? But that's last Friday. What about today?

"Any time anybody does anything that in any way pulls this campaign down and says let's address reality and the problems we're facing in this world, you're accused of being racist, so you have to shut up," Ferraro said. "Racism works in two different directions. I really think they're attacking me because I'm white. How's that?"
I'm sure glad the only racists in this country are rednecks and unrepentant KKK members. That hidden wound in America just refuses to stay hidden. But don't call Geraldine Ferraro a racist; because that's just rude; or shrill; or something.

You know, there's a reason racism is completely intolerable in America, and it's not because the word is overused and applied lightly to anyone we disagree with.

We hold these truths to be self-evident


A small thought experiment, based on this section of the Constution (Article II, Section 1):

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
The President does not swear to preserve, protect, and defend the borders of the US; the national security of the US; the economy of the US; or the way of life of the US. The President takes an oath to perform one solemn duty: preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.

Since Brown v. Board of Education, we've looked to the Supreme Court to do that. What would happen, though, if we elected a President, not to be Commander in Chief who would answer the "red phone" at 3 a.m. in a crisp business suit ("The President neve sleeps!"), or to be an expert economist with the solution to the complex financial and economic problems that beset us today, or even to rid our streets of crime and our lives of threats from scary people, but simply to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution? It isn't realistic, of course, to expect the President to do only that, but what if we expected that as de mimimus, as the starting point? What would life look like, then?

After all, what preserves the Constitution more? Economic equity for the poor in America? Or foreign wars? Habeas corpus and the rule of law? Or Guantanamo and the continued detention of Sami Al-Arian after his acquittal in a court of law? Another $200 billion for American banks and financial institutions? Or regulation that prevents the kind of lending that created this disaster in the first place?

The President is not the defender of the people, the protector of liberty, the savior of women and children. The President is the defender of the Constitution, which is meant to assure the good governance of the people, for the mutual benefit of all.

Sad when this simple requirement seems like such a mad dream, isn't it?

Saturday, March 08, 2008

All Along the Watchtower



“We have no higher responsibility than stopping terrorist attacks.” --George W. Bush, in his statement announcing a veto of a bill that would prohibit the CIA from using waterboarding and other interrogation techniques.

There is, of course, always a higher responsibility.

Therefore these are the words of the LORD:
Enquire among the nations:
whoever heard the like of this?
The virgin Israel has done a thing most horrible.

Does the snow cease to fall from the rocky slopes of Lebanon?
Does the cool rain streaming from its torrents ever fail?

No, buy my people have forgotten me;
they burn sacrifices to idols
which cause made them to stumble as they tread the ancient ways,
and they take to byways and umade roads;
their own land they lay waste,
an object of lasting derision,
at which all passers-by shake their heads in horror.

As with a wind from the east
I shall will scatter them before their enemies.
In the hour of their downfall
I shall turn my back and not my face towards them.
Jeremiah 18:13-17

Woe betide those who enact unjust laws
and draft oppressive edicts,
depriving the poor of justice,
robbing the weakest of my people of their rights,
plundering the widow and despoiling the fatherless!
What will you do when called to account,
when devastation from afar contronts you?
To whom will you flee for help,
and where will you leave your children
so that they do not cower among the prisoners
or fall among the slain?
For all this anger has not been abated,
his hand still threatens.
Isaiah 10:1-4

Friday, March 07, 2008

Fourth Sunday of Lent-2008


1 Samuel 16:1-13

16:1 The LORD said to Samuel, "How long will you grieve over Saul? I have rejected him from being king over Israel. Fill your horn with oil and set out; I will send you to Jesse the Bethlehemite, for I have provided for myself a king among his sons."

16:2 Samuel said, "How can I go? If Saul hears of it, he will kill me." And the LORD said, "Take a heifer with you, and say, 'I have come to sacrifice to the LORD.'

16:3 Invite Jesse to the sacrifice, and I will show you what you shall do; and you shall anoint for me the one whom I name to you."

16:4 Samuel did what the LORD commanded, and came to Bethlehem. The elders of the city came to meet him trembling, and said, "Do you come peaceably?"

16:5 He said, "Peaceably; I have come to sacrifice to the LORD; sanctify yourselves and come with me to the sacrifice." And he sanctified Jesse and his sons and invited them to the sacrifice.

16:6 When they came, he looked on Eliab and thought, "Surely the Lord's anointed is now before the LORD."

16:7 But the LORD said to Samuel, "Do not look on his appearance or on the height of his stature, because I have rejected him; for the LORD does not see as mortals see; they look on the outward appearance, but the LORD looks on the heart."

16:8 Then Jesse called Abinadab, and made him pass before Samuel. He said, "Neither has the LORD chosen this one."

16:9 Then Jesse made Shammah pass by. And he said, "Neither has the LORD chosen this one."

16:10 Jesse made seven of his sons pass before Samuel, and Samuel said to Jesse, "The LORD has not chosen any of these."

16:11 Samuel said to Jesse, "Are all your sons here?" And he said, "There remains yet the youngest, but he is keeping the sheep." And Samuel said to Jesse, "Send and bring him; for we will not sit down until he comes here."

16:12 He sent and brought him in. Now he was ruddy, and had beautiful eyes, and was handsome. The LORD said, "Rise and anoint him; for this is the one."

16:13 Then Samuel took the horn of oil, and anointed him in the presence of his brothers; and the spirit of the LORD came mightily upon David from that day forward. Samuel then set out and went to Ramah.

Psalm 23
23:1 The LORD is my shepherd, I shall not want.

23:2 He makes me lie down in green pastures; he leads me beside still waters;

23:3 he restores my soul. He leads me in right paths for his name's sake.

23:4 Even though I walk through the darkest valley, I fear no evil; for you are with me; your rod and your staff-- they comfort me.

24:5 You prepare a table before me in the presence of my enemies; you anoint my head with oil; my cup overflows.

24:6 Surely goodness and mercy shall follow me all the days of my life, and I shall dwell in the house of the LORD my whole life long.

Ephesians 5:8-14
5:8 For once you were darkness, but now in the Lord you are light. Live as children of light-

5:9 for the fruit of the light is found in all that is good and right and true.

5:10 Try to find out what is pleasing to the Lord.

5:11 Take no part in the unfruitful works of darkness, but instead expose them.

5:12 For it is shameful even to mention what such people do secretly;

5:13 but everything exposed by the light becomes visible,

5:14 for everything that becomes visible is light. Therefore it says, "Sleeper, awake! Rise from the dead, and Christ will shine on you."

John 9:1-41
9:1 As he walked along, he saw a man blind from birth.

9:2 His disciples asked him, "Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?"

9:3 Jesus answered, "Neither this man nor his parents sinned; he was born blind so that God's works might be revealed in him.

9:4 We must work the works of him who sent me while it is day; night is coming when no one can work.

9:5 As long as I am in the world, I am the light of the world."

9:6 When he had said this, he spat on the ground and made mud with the saliva and spread the mud on the man's eyes,

9:7 saying to him, "Go, wash in the pool of Siloam" (which means Sent). Then he went and washed and came back able to see.

9:8 The neighbors and those who had seen him before as a beggar began to ask, "Is this not the man who used to sit and beg?"

9:9 Some were saying, "It is he." Others were saying, "No, but it is someone like him." He kept saying, "I am the man."

9:10 But they kept asking him, "Then how were your eyes opened?"

9:11 He answered, "The man called Jesus made mud, spread it on my eyes, and said to me, 'Go to Siloam and wash.' Then I went and washed and received my sight."

9:12 They said to him, "Where is he?" He said, "I do not know."

9:13 They brought to the Pharisees the man who had formerly been blind.

9:14 Now it was a sabbath day when Jesus made the mud and opened his eyes.

9:15 Then the Pharisees also began to ask him how he had received his sight. He said to them, "He put mud on my eyes. Then I washed, and now I see."

9:16 Some of the Pharisees said, "This man is not from God, for he does not observe the sabbath." But others said, "How can a man who is a sinner perform such signs?" And they were divided.

9:17 So they said again to the blind man, "What do you say about him? It was your eyes he opened." He said, "He is a prophet."

9:18 The Jews did not believe that he had been blind and had received his sight until they called the parents of the man who had received his sight

9:19 and asked them, "Is this your son, who you say was born blind? How then does he now see?"

9:20 His parents answered, "We know that this is our son, and that he was born blind;

9:21 but we do not know how it is that now he sees, nor do we know who opened his eyes. Ask him; he is of age. He will speak for himself."

9:22 His parents said this because they were afraid of the Jews; for the Jews had already agreed that anyone who confessed Jesus to be the Messiah would be put out of the synagogue.

9:23 Therefore his parents said, "He is of age; ask him."

9:24 So for the second time they called the man who had been blind, and they said to him, "Give glory to God! We know that this man is a sinner."

9:25 He answered, "I do not know whether he is a sinner. One thing I do know, that though I was blind, now I see."

9:26 They said to him, "What did he do to you? How did he open your eyes?"

9:27 He answered them, "I have told you already, and you would not listen. Why do you want to hear it again? Do you also want to become his disciples?"

9:28 Then they reviled him, saying, "You are his disciple, but we are disciples of Moses.

9:29 We know that God has spoken to Moses, but as for this man, we do not know where he comes from."

9:30 The man answered, "Here is an astonishing thing! You do not know where he comes from, and yet he opened my eyes.

9:31 We know that God does not listen to sinners, but he does listen to one who worships him and obeys his will.

9:32 Never since the world began has it been heard that anyone opened the eyes of a person born blind.

9:33 If this man were not from God, he could do nothing."

9:34 They answered him, "You were born entirely in sins, and are you trying to teach us?" And they drove him out.

9:35 Jesus heard that they had driven him out, and when he found him, he said, "Do you believe in the Son of Man?"

9:36 He answered, "And who is he, sir? Tell me, so that I may believe in him."

9:37 Jesus said to him, "You have seen him, and the one speaking with you is he."

9:38 He said, "Lord, I believe." And he worshiped him.

9:39 Jesus said, "I came into this world for judgment so that those who do not see may see, and those who do see may become blind."

9:40 Some of the Pharisees near him heard this and said to him, "Surely we are not blind, are we?"

9:41 Jesus said to them, "If you were blind, you would not have sin. But now that you say, 'We see,' your sin remains.


I almost dislike the use of the 23rd Psalm outside of any purpose other than funerals, because taken out of its place in the Psalms it is, I think, so easily misunderstood. (Funerals are not a place for understanding of the kind I mean here, so that is a "special" use.) It is best understood as the sequel, the follow-up, to the 22nd Psalm, a psalm better known for it's use by Matthew, and more commonly heard only before Easter. The passage from Ephesians prescribed by the Lectionary hints at the darkness of the 22nd Psalm which highlights the light and comfort of the 23rd:

For once you were darkness, but now in the Lord you are light. Live as children of light-for the fruit of the light is found in all that is good and right and true. Try to find out what is pleasing to the Lord. Take no part in the unfruitful works of darkness, but instead expose them. For it is shameful even to mention what such people do secretly; but everything exposed by the light becomes visible, for everything that becomes visible is light.
But it's worth mentioning that Psalm 22 is not about deeds done in darkness, not about a confession of personal sins and the private anguish of a tortured soul. The psalm cries out to a God who has abandoned the psalmist to the very public cruelty of his (or her) enemies:

Many bulls have compassed me:
strong bulls of Bashan have beset me round.

They gaped upon me with their mouths,
as a ravening and a roaring lion.

I am poured out like water,
and all my bones are out of joint:
my heart is like wax;
it is melted in the midst of my bowels.

My strength is dried up like a potsherd;
and my tongue cleaveth to my jaws;
and thou hast brought me into the dust of death.

For dogs have compassed me:
the assembly of the wicked have inclosed me:
they pierced my hands and my feet.

I may tell all my bones:
they look and stare upon me.

They part my garments among them,
and cast lots upon my vesture.
So Paul is not reminding the Ephesians that what they do will come to light, but about living in the light that is already present, about seeing deeds for the evil they are, and about living in deeds that don't need to be denied. It is about moral blindness.

Two points about the Johannine story: Jesus appears at the beginning, and at the end of it. But the main story is about the blind man's interrogation by the Pharisees. It is an examination worthy of a Roman Catholic inquiry into miracles attributed to candidates for sainthood, and unique in the gospels. It is also John's subtle way of underlining his theological message: you will not see, until you believe. Jesus is known in this story by his affect on people, but not by sight. His presence is a challenge, but here his presence is missing, and all that the characters have are his actions. We prefer, of course, "seeing is beleiving," but John's gospel works relentlessly to undermine that reliance. Nicodemus comes to Jesus in the dark, and leaves in the dark, no better enlightened than when he arrived. The blind man is enlightened only by Jesus, not by his interrogators, and they leave as mystified and confused as Nicodemus. Jesus' miracles are all semeia, or "signs," in John's Greek; but what they reveal is almost more of a mystery than what they don't reveal.

Interesting that Jesus heals the blind man on the sabbath, the holy day, now the day of worship for Christians. Interesting that this is a problem for the Pharisees. Interesting, too, that Jesus appears at the beginning of this story, disappears in the middle, and reappears to identify himself, at the end.

First of all, although men [sic] have a common destiny, each individual also has to work out his [sic] own personal salvation for himself in fear and trembling. We can help one another to find out the meaning of life, no doubt. But in the last analysis the individual person is responsible for living his own life and for "finding himself." If he persists in shifting this responsibility to somebody else, he fails to find out the meaning of his own existence. You cannot tell me who I am, and I cannot tell you who you are. If you do not know your own identity, who is going to identify you? Others can give you a name or a number, but they can never tell you who you really are. That is something you can only discover from within.
--Thomas Merton

Identity; discovery; who are you? Is that something someone tells you, or something you discover for yourself? Partly, of course, you are who people say you are. David is chosen by God to be the king of Israel, but is that David's identity? God does not choose David because of how David appears, but because of who David is. But is David, when chosen, the King of Israel? Or does he become the King of Israel, the proper successor to Saul whom Israel needs? If David does not know who he is, how can God identify him? What David does not know at the time of this story, is who he can be. He already knows who he is; and soon the rest of Israel, along with David, discovers that.

Identity; discovery; who are you? Is the man born blind a blind man? Is he a sinner, cursed by God? The Pharisees say he is, but he doesn't know. He doesn't know who Jesus is, either. He has no concern with identities, only with what he can see, with what he knows. And what he knows was: he was blind, but now he sees. Does this violate the law? Is this against God? He doesn't understand how it can be. But he cannot identify Jesus, as holy or unholy. Jesus must do that for him. The Pharisees can't identify Jesus either. But one could say that's because they lay claim to Psalm 23, without passing through the experience of Psalm 22.

Jesus said to them, "If you were blind, you would not have sin. But now that you say, 'We see,' your sin remains.
It isn't that they are blind; it is that they are not blind. But it isn't that they see, either. Their sin remains, but it does not damn them. Jesus does not pronounce them sinner and the blind man pure. He simply says their sin remains, and this blocks them from God, from the truth. Because they are sinners? No. Because they are proud. Because they lack faith. Because they lack trust. Because they do not know who they are. Because they see as humans see, not as God sees. And so they say "We see." But they do not. The Lord is their shepherd; but they are not guided by God.

Jesus says he has come into the world for judgment; but judgment is not punishment, judgment is simply truth. Judgment judges against a standard, weighs and finds what is whole, and what is wanting. The Lord is a shepherd who guides the one who is guided by God, the one who has not relied on others to identify themselves. The Pharisees in John's story are models, examples, representatives, of those who are defined by others, and so fear the definition the judgment of the world brings. There are two judgments represented here, really: the judgment of the world, which looks to the Pharisees and says: "How can this be, and the man who did this not be with God?" And the judgment of the world which brings the light into the world, so that all things stand visible. Exposed in that light, the Pharisees of this story find their identities have come from those who identify them, as scholars and experts and authorities: and they fear the loss of that authority. They are not historical figures, but representatives of a type: of those who claim access to the truth, but whose identification of themselves is as those with access to the truth. That identity comes from others, not from within. And so they say "We see," but their sin remains. Because they do not yet see who they are.

As I write this I am listening to two former military commanders decry the torture and brutality being promoted and defended by the Bush Administration. This brutality, these policies, are a result of moral blindness. But even brought into the light, the judgment of the world is not unanimous. Some still say "We see," and their sin remains. What is their identity? Where is our identity, now? These realities challenge us, today, as citizens of this democracy, and make us ask: are we the blind man? Or the Pharisees? Do we claim to see? Or do we admit we are blind? Do we see as humans see? Or do we live as children of the light? It is not an easy thing to live as children of the light. Even the blind man's parents are afraid, and put the burden of identity back on him. Not his identity, but the identity of the one who healed him. No one can provide that identity except the one who has that identity, but when he provides it to us, when we ask to know, we have a decision to make: to follow that one, to become his disciple, to believe; or to remain a prisoner of our sin.

Do we live as we see, finding our identity within ourselves, with the light of the judgment of the world? Or do we live by the judgment of the world, the world's judgment, and say only that "We see"? Well, which is our shepherd? The Lord? Or the world? Consider carefully. Because the world brings the bulls, the dogs, the challenge to the identity we claim that is not given by the world. But the world does not bring the light; the world does not bring the peace of green pastures and still waters. Those things are provided by the Lord. Who brings us to them; who provides those things; who knows who we are, and wants us to know, too.

Amen.

Thursday, March 06, 2008

Nobody ever listens to me....



Because the Texas delegate "count" won't be known until August; really.

NPR got close; MSNBC is missing the point entirely. I don't even know where they get the "10 delegates" number; NPR says the Texas Democratic Party has Obama ahead in caucus-appointed delegates, 37 to Clinton's 30. Neither recognizes, as MSNBC did Tuesday night, albeit tacitly, that Texas has 228 delegates to send to the National Convention, and only 193 were up for grabs Tuesday night. That leaves 35, right? So where did they go?

126 were supposed to be decided in the primary. Both NPR and according to Burnt Orange Report say the primary gave 65 delegates to Clinton, 61 to Obama. That plust the 67 given out in the caucus means 35 are left over, still. But as NPR pointed out, those 67 are still up for grabs until the state convention in June. But the mystery 35 are the Texas equivalent of "superdelegates," and they won't be committed until the national convention in August.

Don't believe me? The basic primer is here. NPR almost got it right, saying Obama can claim to have "won" in Texas, even if the accepted narrative is already set, and Clinton won. Fact is, as I said, the final Texas count won't be known until August, and that could be crucial in this affair. But, more'n likely, it won't be.

Still, nobody ever listens to me, so y'all go ahead and be confused. It's good for you. As a liberal in Texas, I've learned to live with confusion. It can only be healthy for the rest of you to experience some of it, now.

Wednesday, March 05, 2008

Project Agora


Yes, I confess, I watched the last few episodes of "Project Runway," season 4. And I come away convinced judges of fashion and I have nothing in common, and I'm perplexed by the American viewing public, since they both picked Christian over Jillian. I'm also convinced we don't need another designer, we just need to know the way home. And what we really need, is life beyond Thunderdome.

So I'm pushing a new reality TV concept: Project Agora.

Philosophers and theologians forced to go out into the streets and interact with people in their daily lives, forced to sell and defend and make practical their theories, their philosophies, their theologies. And the most useful, most engaging, yet truest to a high standard of provocation and challenge, philosopher or theologian would win the competition. Which would mean, of course, that you pissed off enough people that they want to kill you, rather than give you the stipend you think you deserve so you can keep annoying them, or that they invite you to stay in their house tonight, and hope you don't shake the dust off your feet before you leave.

Either way, I'm sure it would be fierce.

The Power of Nightmares


I'd never heard of this documentary, and yet it turns out there's a great deal of information on the web about it (no surprise, there, actually). Video links are available here Google video and here (the latter has links to download and burn the film to DVD). The premise of the documentaries is that the terror threat is, in the words of the film, a fantasy. It blames the rise of the two linked groups, the neo-conservatives and the Islamic militants, on the failure of "liberalism" to change/save the world (and yes, there is a dark parable there for the "change" being offered by the current crop of Presidential candidates, but it's hardly on the same scale as what emerged from the ashes of the "Good War.") I haven't watched these films yet; I heard some of if on Pacifica this morning (a fund raiser special). It struck me how in tune this information, from 2004, was with what Noam Chomsky said recently. It also struck me just how much we are the victims of our own propaganda, and just how much that propaganda is purveyed by our media, and our own willingness to be lied to.

Digby and Atrios, and many others, complain that its the media that lies to us, and is biased in favor of the powers-that-be. That's true, of course, but we prefer the lies. Watch these films and ask yourself why they never show up on American TV; not even on HBO or Showtime.

The bit I heard was apparently from Part I. The narrator related how a book, The Terror Network, detailed the connections between terrorist groups of the 1980's and the USSR. This was, per the documentary, such a persuasive book that when William Casey took over as Director of the CIA, one of his first orders was for the Agency to produce evidence proving that Soviet Russia was behind all the terrorist groups at large in the world, as the book alleged. The agents told Mr. Casey that was impossible for one very simple reason: the theory wasn't true. And they knew it wasn't true, because they had made it up.

It was a slander invented by the CIA to damage the reputation of the USSR. And now the head of the CIA was telling them to find evidence to prove it. Even when they showed him the files proving they had created this stories out of whole cloth, Mr. Casey insisted evidence supporting them be found.

Thus do we become prisoners of our own lies.

The story goes on, however. The neo-cons, of course, considering themselves and the USA as the moral center of the universe, saw the collapse of the USSR as the vindication of the policies of Ronald Reagan. Nothing, we should know now, could be further from the truth. The system of government, and the economic system, erected by Lenin and then Stalin and on through the 20th century, simply collapsed. It was rotten to the core, and the people had stopped believing in it and the central government. By the time the house of cards toppled over, Moscow was ruling Moscow, and not much more.

If that sounds like Kabul in Afghanistan, or the "Green Zone" in Iraq, it should. By the way, why do we insist the "government" in Baghdad controls a nation is clearly doesn't govern, while we talk openly about how much of Afghanistan Kabul doesn't control? Because we think we can still blame the Russians?

Afghanistan plays into this discussion and the film at this point. The neo-cons, like the Islamic militants they know fear and desire at the same time (they are nothing without an enemy!), are convinced the loss of Afghanistan hastened the collapse of the USSR ("Charlie Wilson's War"). Again, that's the tail wagging the dog, if at all; but it allows a marginal player on the fringe to imagine themselves the heir to the throne and the power behind the coup. Ironically that's an attitude, per the film, shared by the neo-cons and the Islamic militants.

It's seems the "Arabs" (if I recall the documentary correctly) decided they caused the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as their retreat from Afghanistan (if anything, Afghanistan proves the USSR was a paper tiger, not the fearsome monster of "Red Dawn."). Having convinced themselves of their importance, they discerned a world-wide Islamic call to arms to defeat evil wherever they identified it. And at this point the faction that preferred working within the system, and the faction that wanted to use the tools of war and violence, began to diverge. And here Osama Bin Laden, largely because of his family money, was drawn into the influence of the latter camp, and given a position of power and authority.

The documentary will tell you the rest. The simple lesson so far, is how disastrously wrong US foreign policy has been practically since World War II, and how willing we still are to believe in spooks and monsters and evil foreigners lurking across the waters that created "Fortress America." The neo-cons who are simply the Brig. Gen. Jack D. Ripper of the military-industrial complex which has been American foreign policy for the past 60 years are twin sons of the Islamic militants they loathe and respect. What else is it but respect to imagine a handful of rag-tag criminals can destroy your world and your way of life?

Here is the BBC summary of the documentary, from 2005. They sum it up rather nicely this way:

The rise of the politics of fear begins in 1949 with two men whose radical ideas would inspire the attack of 9/11 and influence the neo-conservative movement that dominates Washington.

Both these men believed that modern liberal freedoms were eroding the bonds that held society together.

The two movements they inspired set out, in their different ways, to rescue their societies from this decay. But in an age of growing disillusion with politics, the neo-conservatives turned to fear in order to pursue their vision.

They would create a hidden network of evil run by the Soviet Union that only they could see.

The Islamists were faced by the refusal of the masses to follow their dream and began to turn to terror to force the people to "see the truth"'.
That last sentence dovetails nicely with an article I was just reading in Lapham's Quarterly, "Band of Brigands" (sadly not available on-line). Mr. Mueller presents evidence that thugs and criminals have often been employed, throughout history, by those in power. Violence is a very effective tool of control. He traces the practice through medieval Europe into Bosnia-Herzegovina, Rwanda, down to Iraq. It's the tool of the insurgents against the occupying US forces, but it just as surely being used against the people of Iraq.

The BBC article ends with an interesting note from the news for 2005:

The Power of Nightmares will be broadcast over three nights from Tuesday 18 to Thursday, 20 January, 2005 at 2320 GMT on BBC Two. The final part has been updated in the wake of the Law Lords ruling in December that detaining foreign terrorist suspects without trial was illegal.
Something, I note, the Supreme Court has yet to do, as Gitmo is still functioning, and the Congress is still making sure it can function.

I've been reminded recently that I pointed out we are not the lid on the pot in Iraq, but the fire beneath it. This documentary makes me realize that's not a bug, but a feature. And it will be, for a very long time.

Tuesday, March 04, 2008

God shed His grace on thee.....


When I think about Presidential signing statements; Gitmo; the suspension of habeas corpus; immunity for telecommunications coporations; wiretapping; extraordinary rendition; "black" prisons; and all the apparatus of the "Global War on Terror" (whose acronym also describes "Grand Waste of Time," or "Treasure," if you prefer), I think how far this country has fallen, and how fast.

But then I reflect on the court rulings which have not challenged this regime, not seriously. Courts are the most conservative of creatures, bound by custom and requirement and law to follow precedent, not present-day whim. Many of the court rulings, or refusals to rule, on the Administration's prosecution of the GWOT, much of their powerlessness in the face of the round up of Muslims after 9/11, for example, is due as much to the precedents in the law as it is to the structural nature of courts, to their inability to react rapidly to a current situation. Congress we almost expect to betray cowardice; but courts more often than not betray the status quo, and there isn't that much about the Bush Administration's actions which is that far from the history of American jurisprudence; not when it comes to injustice against the weak, the powerless, and the alien.

I think about Attorney General Mukasey, and Chief Justice Roberts worrying more about Exxon than the people and property damaged by the Valez oil spill, and I remember Chief Justice Rehnquist openly declaring the sole province of the law the court could not afford to change, was the law of property, because so much depended on the steady and reliable application of law as applied to property. He made those comments when he took the position of Chief Justice, and he meant to draw a contrast to the Warren Court, which heavily influenced the Burger Court, which Rehnquist changed to his court. He meant civil rights rulings enjoyed no such privilege, and indeed deserved no such privilege. The courts have been reluctant to involve themselves in matters the Administration has said are central to "GWOT," and the shield has only occassionally been the defense of "national security." More often than not, the courts are willing to defer to the authority of the Administration, or at least not to challenge it outright. This has wrought great despair in many quarters, but the despair is somewhat misplaced. What we are seeing is not an attempt to rollback the gains of the Warren Court, but a return to the status quo from which the Warren Court was such a notable abberation.

Much of the "civil rights" rulings we now cherish, like Miranda and Gideon, are products of the Warren Court, not rights established by the Founding Fathers and enshrined in the Bill of Rights since the Constitution was first adopted. We forget how radical those opinions were, how much they upset the apple cart of American criminal jurisprudence, how much they made us rethink the authority of government over those accused of improper or illegal actions. We also forget that the Warren Court did not wipe away a legacy of uncivil treatment of Americans, or of foreigners, or that the House UnAmerican Affairs Committee ("HUAC") was in operation until 1975. HUAC was the driving force behind the "Red Scare" and the Hollywood "blacklist," and it worked just the way the Bush Administration does now: through innuendo and unfounded allegation, through suspicion and intimidation. It is a legacy of Brokaw's "Greatest Generation," because it grew out of the paranoia and fear at the end of World War II, and it wasn't ended itself until it took on two icons from the generation after that war: Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman, people who refused to be intimidated by the committee's attention. As Studs Terkel has said, the boomers were the "greatest generation," because they changed American society for the better.

But shouldn't we despair that those changes were not permanent, that what was wrought by that generation didn't stick into the 21st century? Or would it be better to see it all in perspective, to understand that the fairness and honest and decency and the truly shining example of the "city on the hill" was never so true as when we, and the generation just before us, worked so hard to make it true? Much of American history, seen from the standpoint of justice and fairness, looks more like the internment of the Japanese during World War II, than it does like the dream of Martin Luther King, Jr. But King's dream inspired people, and it is said that overseeing the illegal and unnecessary internment of Japanese Americans inspired Earl Warren. It is not despair we need, but derermination. No, America today is not the country we thought it was; but it was only that country through the determined effort of many people, from Supreme Court justices to members of the SDS. There is always work to be done, and always history to learn from.

More of that, and less of hand-wringing, is just what we need.

Streams in the Desert


Nature, Annie Dillard tells us, is profligate. Consider the sunflower seed, and how true this is; not only true, but necessary. One seed will produce a plant with a flower the size of a truck steering wheel; and in that flower, will be many more seeds. Enough seeds to produce more plants, or to supply seeds for animals to eat, and still produce plants. Thanks to the profligacy of nature, one seed equals many seeds. Call it the arithmetic of biology, where 1+1=3, or 4, or a dozen, or two dozen. Without this arithmetic, life itself would be impossible. Without the wild profligacy of nature, none of us would be here to examine this wild profligacy. We are all the product of extravagance; but then there's the second part of Ms. Dillard's observation: "Nature is profligate, but wastes nothing."

Humans, it seems, waste everything. Which leads us to the conviction of shortage, of limits, of scarcity. We are convinced security is scarce, that is must be hoarded, defended, girded round with walls and barriers and men atop those walls with guns, all to protect what is ours, to keep it from running out, to prevent it from becoming scarce. Convinced of scarcity, we create scarcity. Consider the conclusions of Alfred Stiglitz. He estimates the cost of the Iraq war to already be $3 trillion, and anticipates the true cost, especially in care for veterans of the war, will end up between $5 trillion and $7 trillion. The White House response, of course, is the response of the defenders of scarcity as status quo:

"People like Joe Stiglitz lack the courage to consider the cost of doing nothing and the cost of failure. One can't even begin to put a price tag on the cost to this nation of the attacks of 9/11," said White House spokesman Tony Fratto.

"It is also an investment in the future safety and security of Americans and our vital national interests. ... What price does Joe Stiglitz put on attacks on the homeland that have already been prevented? Or doesn't his slide rule work that way?"
We are, you see, like nature: profligate; except that we waste what is most precious:

The war's gravest toll has been paid in blood. Fighting in Iraq so far taken the lives of 3,973 U.S. troops and left nearly 29,300 wounded. Its staggering expense, however, has already dwarfed the 2003 White House war estimate of $60 billion, and the price continues to rise.

"America is a rich country," said Stiglitz, a Columbia University professor and former World Bank chief economist.

"The question is not whether we can afford to squander $3 trillion or $5 trillion," he told committee members. "We can. But our strength will be sapped. ... There is no such thing as a free war."
As for what the White House said about Mr. Stiglitz' estimates, he has a very direct response:

JOSEPH STIGLITZ: Well, I think the White House lacks the courage to engage in a national debate about the cost of the Iraq war. The Joint Economic Committee has asked the White House to come down and discuss the numbers; they’ve refused. Security is important, and we don’t deny that. The question is whether this war has been the best way of obtaining the security. And no matter what you’re going to do—you know, what you think about security, you still have to look at the cost. The costs have been important, even for the way we’ve waged the war. The reason the administration presumably did not buy, for instance, the MRAPs, these special vehicles that would have reduced the number of deaths by a very large fraction, is economics. So, you know, no matter what one says, economics is important, and the American people have the right to have an understanding of what those costs are. When we went to war, they said it was going to cost $50 billion. We are now spending that money upfront every three months, and that’s not even including the cost of veterans’ healthcare and disability down the line.
The market determines value based on scarcity. As Mr. Stiglitz explained to Amy Goodman:

When we say $3 trillion, that’s really an underestimate. We attributed, in our book, only $5 to $10 to the war itself. But if you look back, in 2003, futures markets, which take into account increases in demand, increases in supply—they knew that China was going to have increased demand, but they thought there would be increases in supply from the Middle East—they thought the price would remain at $25 for the next ten years or more. What changed that equation was the Iraq war. They couldn’t elicit the increase of supply in the Middle East because of the turmoil that we brought there. So we think, actually, the true numbers, not the $5 or $10 that we used, because we didn’t want to get in a quibble, but really a much larger fraction of the difference between $25 that it was at the time in 2003 and the $100 we face today.
Scarcity is the peculiar province of economics, the "dismal science." How much is available to go around, how fairly can it be distributed? This is the assumption of utilitarianism, this is the assumption of John Rawls' "Theory of Justice," this is the assumption of economists: scarcity is the nature of the world, now how do we adjust our desires to meet this wholly reasonable and undeniable conclusion? The economic pie can only be so large. Full employment, for example, would be disastrous: without a scarcity of jobs, what bargaining power would the employer have, what incentive would drive the workder to labor rather than laziness? With every niche filled, there would be nowhere to go, and little reason to worry about being asked to go. Scarcity is not only reality, we deem it necessity. The desert is our model for the world, it is the spur of our incentives: we are not creatures driven and derided by lust, because lust we can market. Lust is another model of scarcity, as you can never have enough things, look good enough, have enough sex or be attractive, knowleadgeable, witty, intelligent, enough. You must always lack and desire what you do not have. It is not lust we are driven by now, but fear. Fear for our security, but also fear for our want, fear that the world, indeed, is not enoughm and that we must always have more. Our fear is that the world is actually the desert we are afraid it might be, and that enough will never be afforded us.

Oddly, I think this is new, and it is American. In Stanley Kubrick's vision of Anthony Burgess' venture into the future, the world they imagine in A Clockwork Orange is not a world of plentitude and scarcity: it is a world of emptiness and spiritual waste. Alex is a creature of appetites, but those appetites are not the appetites Sitting Bull complained of. The love of possession is not a disease with him: indeed, he sees the world as his oyster, and reprimands his "droogs" when they spurn his authority over them. He reminds them everything they want is theirs for the taking, and, indeed, the live a life of crime and rape and theft that supplies all their needs, but their needs seem to be small. They steal cars and money as an exercise in power, not possession. Theirs is a dissolute life, but it is not a possessive one. Still, to an American eye, Alex's world is a very British one. He lives in a block of concrete flats, government housing small and cramped and anonymous, with even the public are in the lobby defaced in reaction to the soul-lessness, the dehumanizing atmosphere of the place. But no one complains of that, and the solution doesn't seem to be a more open marketplace. Alex's one venture into a store reveals as glittering and gaudy an arena as ever could be wished for, so it isn't lack of goods that plague his world, it is lack of humanity, and that is not a purchasable commodity. Indeed, the woman he kills inadvertently is a merchant in human happiness, and a collector of frankly pornographic art. The primary difference between her and Alex is his use of physical power, of violence. It is enough, but it isn't violence driven by what she owns and he doesn't. Yet what we hear today about terrorists or illegal aliens is all the same thing: we have something "they" want, and they will come and take it from us, will enjoy what we have, and we won't be able to any longer. That is not a fear peculiar only to American culture, but it is certainly a fear peculiar to American political culture today.

No character in Kubrick's film seems concerned with acquisition at all, or with what will be taken from them. Their only concern is power, and who wields it (rape, after all, Alex's favored mode of expression, is just another form of violence; and all violence is about exerting power). Which is another way of looking at scarcity, and another reason why we ventured, as a country, into a disastrous and misguided war. We were even assured the war would not create scarcity but defeat it, and now when Alfred Stiglitz tells us just the opposite has happened, the White House hastily changes the subject, deflects attention from the fear of want to the fear of losing what we have. So Americans at home are told only to worry about scarcity, are told only to shop after national calamity, or how we don't have the resources to help the people of the Gulf Coast after Katrina; or how we can't help borrowers caught in the subprime mortgage catastrophe; or told how we can't wage war and help the poor, the homeless, the sick, the infirm, even the veterans of the war that is making everything else too expensive, although we are assured that war either costs us nothing, or is a price worth paying. Power itself is an expression of scarcity, so that even those of us who proclaim power a necessary evil which we will wield wisely, confess the scarcity of the world, rather than the profligacy of God, the Creator who made the profligacy of nature.

Looking at what technology has wrought across the face of the earth since the discovery of the uses of petroleum barely 100 years ago, and the near exhaustion of that same resource today, it would seem economics and the notion of scarcity is not only true, but rational. That is the lesson of global warming: that there isn't enough to go around, and now we must reduce our demands, we must limit what we can do, expect, desire. The world is a desert, and we must act accordingly. Ironically, the desert is precisely where people have gone for centuries to encounter the God of Abraham, the one known as the Creator.

Consider, first, that is has always been this way; and it has not always been this way. When was the last time you heard someone talk like this?

People nowadays interchange gifts and favors out of friendship, but buying and selling is considered absolutely inconsistent with the mutual benevolence which should prevail between citizens and the sense of community of interest which supports our social system. According to our ideas, buying and selling is essentially anti-social in all its tendencies. It is an education in self-seeking at the expense of others, and no society whose citizens are trained in such a school can possibly rise above a very low grade of civilization
-- Edward Bellamy

The ultimate aim of production is not production of goods but the production of free human beings associated with one another on terms of equality.
-- John Dewey

I confess that I am not charmed with the ideal of life held out by those who think that the normal state of human beings is that of struggling to get on; that the trampling, crushing, elbowing, and treading on each other's heels, which form the existing type of social life, are the most desirable lot of human beings
-- John Stuart Mill

The gross national product includes air pollution and advertising for cigarettes, and ambulances to clear our highways of carnage. It counts special locks for our doors, and jails for the people who break them ... It does not allow for the health of our families, the quality of thier education, or the joy of their play.
-- Robert F. Kennedy

We must recognize that we can't solve our problems now until there is a radical redistribution of economic and political power....[What is required is] a radical restructuring of the architecture of American society.
-- Martin Luther King, Jr
Three from the 19th century, two from the twentieth. It is hard to imagine an American public figure today speaking as Bellamy and Dewey did, or an American politician speaking as Kennedy did. And Martin Luther King, Jr., of course, only had a "dream," not a critique of American society that sounds very much like the little regarded and much despised liberation theology of Latin America. A helpful prelude, though, to a discussion of a much older text, and much older ideas, from another culture. Too old, and ideas are easily dismissed as ancient and irrelevant. But Ecclesiastes is right, and again and again we learn that there is, indeed, nothing new under the sun. We take that, too, as a lesson of scarcity, and tell ourselves nothing could be new under the sun, so we must accept the present as an inevitable and ineluctable extension of the past; which is no more true than the myth of scarcity we cling to for our survival.

You can consider this in the terms of what Naomi Klein calls the "shock doctrine." Or you can consider it in even more direct terms, of who gets to control the natural resources like water. It comes to the same end: the preaching of scarcity, commodification as a way of making something more desirable. So long as someone else can create a scarcity which they can then supply, they will have power. And what is true for multinational corporations was equally true for Solomon:

Solomon became a centralized power in Israel (something, by the way, God had warned Israel about back in 1 Samuel). He became the main source and owner of chariots and arms, which he also sold; so he was an arms dealer. He levied tributes on those who came through Israel (it was on the trade routes), and on all the peole of Israel. Tributes, of course, are nothing more than taxes, and they do nothing more than take money from the many, and give it to the one: the king. It's good to be king; for the king. He also built the Temple, in a style typical for the Near East; but there's another issue there, and it's the same underlying issue: the Temple enforced control.

The Temple was arranged into three areas: the outer Temple, where women and slaves and all the "non-persons" of Israel could gather. The Inner Temple, where the men of Israel alone could go; and, in a small room at the back, the "holy of holies," where only the priest could enter. [Walter] Brueggeman said if you put wings on the Temple, it would be a modern passenger plane. The elite board first, and get the best seats in a special section, while the rest of us board last and sit cheek by jowl. Those up front even get the curtain drawn so we can't see what they are eating. The cockpit, of course, is there the priest goes.

Contrast this to Sinai, says Brueggeman, where all of Israel saw Moses on the mountain talking to God. Now, most of Israel can't even go into the inner temple, and no one is allowed to venture into the place where God could be seen.

Control, in other words, with access guaranteed by accidents of birth. All the Jubilee stuff that comes into Deuteronomy, by the way, doesn't even exist yet, and under Solomon it never will. That would cost him control.

Solomon becomes "wise," too, not because he is born that way, but because he puts scholars on his payroll, and pays them to know and learn wisdom and give it to him as he needs it. He controls knowledge, then, too; as much as he possibly can. And Solomon does one more thing: when he fights his brother for the throne, he kills all his brother's supporters after he becomes king. All of them save the priest, whom he exiles to a small village, where the priest leaves so long as he remains quiet. His power consolidated, Solomon proceeds to build a Temple to prove his power and wealth, and to enjoy a reputation that he largely bought and paid for with other people's money.
Under Brueggeman's analysis, Solomon might well fit into Klein's "shock doctrine." Solomon fights his brother for control of the throne, and kills his brothers supporters; if that isn't "shock and awe," what is? Then Solomon consolidated control in his hands, and became an arms dealer with the nations around Israel, even as he made Israel a military power. Such power, of course, is about scarcity. Only friendship with the king will provide security for the subjects. Only the king's wisdom is wise, because he has the best scholars to prove it. Only the king's power is just and fair, because he provides the security against rival kingdoms whom he also arms, and has to arm against. As long as the king keeps all good things scarce, and provides some measure of those things who are loyal to the king, then all is well with the king in his kingdom. But consider the rest of the story from the Hebrew scriptures:

Jump ahead about 400 years, to the impending Babylonian Exile. Now comes Jeremiah, descended from a long line of priests, from that very village where Solomon exiled the priest who had supported his brother. And now Jeremiah tells the reigning king:

Let not the wise boast of their wisdom,
nor the valiant of their valour;
let not the wealthy boast of their wealth;
but if anyone must boast, let him boast of this:
that he understands and acknowledges me.
For I am the LORD, I show unfailing love,
I do justice and right on the earth;
for in these I take pleasure.
This is the word of the LORD.

There is a direct rebuke of the descendants of Solomon there. Solomon who purchased his wisdom and his palace and his power and even the Temple, with his central concern for Solomon, and what Solomon could obtain, and own, and control. Solomon who used his control of horses and chariots to exact tribute (read: taxes) from others; who used the location of Israel along the trade routes to exact a toll for what passed through the land, and made sure the money went to Solomon, not to the community. Solomon cared about Solomon, not about:

How good and pleasant it is to live together as brothers in unity!
It is like fragrant oil poured on the head
and falling over the beard,
Aaron's beard, when the oil runs down
over the collar of his vestments.
Is is as if the dew of Hermon were falling
on the mountains of Zion.
There the LORD bestows his blessing,
life for evermore (Psalm 133)

The LORD bestows the blessing freely. Solomon makes sure the blessing is recovered and rewarded to Solomon. Solomon, like the Pharoah, says there isn't enough to go around: not enough money, not enough power, not enough wisdom, and I, Solomon, must control it all, must deal in it, must buy and sell in all the marketplaces, of arms, of ideas, of palaces, even of religion. Because of this, says Jeremiah, comes the Exile. Because of this, Isaiah tells Israel, the people, not the kings:

"Come for water, all who are thirsty;
though you have no money, come, buy grain and eat;
come, buy wine and milk, not for money, not for a price.
Why spend your money for what is not food
your earnings on what fails to satisfy?
Listen to me and you will fare well,
you will enjoy the fat of the land. (Isaiah 55:1-2)

Listen, not to the king, but the LORD. Fare well not because the king is wise, or rich, or virtuous, but because of the goodness of the LORD. And buy without money, buy food without price, because economic transactions are not the basis of true life. There is no basis of exchange here: "Come to me and listen to my words, hear me and you will have life." (Isaiah 55:3). It is the call of the Creator, who gave life simply by speaking, in the beginning; and who gives life still, simply by speaking. And what is life if not a gift, something for which you can't give anything in exchange, which you can't even accept or acknowledge or receive, because you can never step away from it, apart from it, stand beside it and recognize it as something other to you, something which you could be given. What you is there to give to, if you don't already have life?

And because of the Exile comes Deuteronomy; the book of identity; and not identity for the king, but for the people. The people to whom God has given the one gift which can be given: life.

The consistent thread through the Hebrew scriptures into the proclamation of the basileia tou theou is that humans must eschew and avoid political power, because power draws its source from the fear of scarcity. As Brueggemann reads the Biblical narrative, Pharoah represents the people who live in fear and anxiety and anger. Such people have no energy left over for the neighborhood. In the story of Joseph and Pharoah, the guy with the most power and authority and wealth, dreams of scarcity. Which is not surprising; Pharoah's oikos is governed by the fear of running out. It is what keeps him in control, keeps him in power and why the people allow him to rule. This anxiety about scarcity is what drives the Hebrews into slavery and so, in brief, Genesis moves into Exodus.

Now Pharoah is so afraid of scarcity, so filled with anxiety for what might be taken from him, he begins to kill the babies of the Hebrews (and here the parallel to Herod in the New Testament, where he is clearly Pharoah to all the Gospel writers, becomes clearer. This is where Matthew draws his parallel with the Massacre of the Innocents). This is Pharoah's anxiety at work. As my notes indicate from the lecture: "The system that generates anxiety cannot relate to steadfast love." Which all by itself explains much about the reaction to Tom Fox, and even to the desire to go to war in the Middle East, a desire Wesley Clark says originally led to a plan to invade 7 countries in that region. But the story of the Exodus is that "Anxiety generated by ideology and social systems is not a part of the human condition." It is, in other words, our creation, and our creation, unlike God's, is grossly imperfect.

Enter Moses, a person with nothing who dreamed of freedom and departure from the "anxiety producing system." And then there is the miracle in the desert, the gift of God's abundance in the manna which comes to break the influence of the anxiety system (it comes as the people are complaining that they were better off in Egypt than in the desert). Our anxiety, Brueggemann notes, is a product of our lack of trust (faith) in God. God's offer of abundance, he says, calls into question the anxiety created by social systems, by human structures and strictures; and yet God never gives us more than "this day our daily bread."
The answer here becomes an answer that can never gain wide acceptance, because it requires a faith that cannot be imposed, nor would I choose to try to impose it. That way, too, requires an argument from scarcity: the portrayal of a god whose grace is necessary for life, but such grace is in short supply and available only to those who rightly and properly believe. That grace was bestowed upon the widow when she fed Elijah, but she was already of the house of Israel. That grace was bestowed freely and without first asking payment in any kind by the people who came to Jesus to be healed of their blindness, their lameness, their diseases. They know only that he had a reputation for power, and often they were amazed at how he treated them. They, too, were accustomed to scarcity, but Jesus blessed them with an open and generous hand, and never took back a blessing because they had not given him or God the proper due. Likewise when the prophets promise streams in the desert and the world coming to Jerusalem to pay homage to the one true God, it is a scene of benevolence and reverence, not of an enslaved humanity making a forced pilgrimage to Zion. The promise of life through the actions of the Creator are to be bestowed through the children of Abraham, not on them exclusively as a precious reward, as something rare and precious and available only to a few. But to live in that promise, to live in what Christians call the basiliea tou theou, is an act of faith, and that faith cannot be imposed even though it is a precondition to the trust that abandons scarcity and sees abundance.

The sunflower is profligate in its production of seeds from one seed, and there are enough to feed the birds or people and still make more sunflowers. But still we make sure the seeds are not free. If we did not, who would grow them? The sunflowers, of course, would grow themselves. But to appreciate that intellectually, and to live in the world that implies spiritually, are two very different endeavors. One might be utopian; the other is sheer madness; or simple faith. The latter are two conditions that often appear alike.

It can seem quite radical to think this way. But thinking this way doesn't mean you have to abandon all you know, nor that everything you know is wrong. But it might just mean that some of what you think, needs to be reconsidered. The Celtic Christians at the end of the Roman Empire would call that "seeking the place of resurrection." Which is yet another way of seeing abundance where others see only scarcity. It is open to everyone, but it is not incumbent on anyone, except those who choose it. And to those who do, it is a question of whether or not they truly choose life, of whether we truly trust God to be profligate enough to give us this day what we need.

Call it a Lenten meditation.

Monday, March 03, 2008

Land of the Free, Home of the Brave


Incident near the Bush "ranch," where a Danish journalist was walking down the road talking to his editor on his cell phone:

"I was just so occupied dictating my story that I didn't really see where I went," Svensson told me later. "I was just walking and talking."

What Svensson didn't realize was that he had stopped walking a couple hundred feet away, on the front lawn of an elderly woman. An elderly woman who looked through her window and didn't like that a strange man was standing outside her house. An elderly woman who had, um, a gun.

Next thing you know the woman is outside, no more than a few dozen feet from the journalist, demanding that he leave. "Suddenly she comes out and she says, 'Get off my property. You're trespassing,'" recalled Svensson.

Svensson was too preoccupied to notice the pistol, and was not aware that Texas law gives homeowners leeway on using a weapon when someone is trespassing on your property. All of us journalists across the street were too far away to see the pistol at first, until a Danish photographer with a telephoto lens announced to a bunch of us that there was indeed a weapon in the elderly woman's right hand.

As word spread that the lady had a gun - which she did not use - I can tell you it's a severe understatement to say White House and Secret Service officials were a bit concerned about the fact that they had just dodged an international incident. Ditto for Svensson, who was alarmed when he safely crossed the street and was shown dramatic still photos of the lady holding the gun.

"I will show the photos to my wife and children," Svensson told me. "They thought I was on a safe trip."

CNN was not able to reach the woman for comment.
Any further questions about why America believes in force?

Friday, February 29, 2008

"Lord, when did we see you?"


Noam Chomsky, recently:

One of the most dedicated and informed journalists who has been immersed in the ongoing tragedy, Nir Rosen, has just written an epitaph entitled “The Death of Iraq” in the very mainstream and quite important journal Current History. He writes that “Iraq has been killed, never to rise again. The American occupation has been more disastrous than that of the Mongols, who sacked Baghdad in the thirteenth century,” which has been the perception of many Iraqis, as well. “Only fools talk of ‘solutions’ now,” he went on. “There is no solution. The only hope is that perhaps the damage can be contained.”

But Iraq is, in fact, the marginal issue, and the reasons are the traditional ones, the traditional reasoning and attitudes of the liberal doves who all pray now, as they did forty years ago, that the hawks will be right and that the US will win a victory in this land of wreck and ruin. And they’re either encouraged or silenced by the good news about Iraq.

And there is good news. The US occupying army in Iraq—euphemistically it’s called the Multi-National Force–Iraq, because they have, I think, three polls there somewhere—that the occupying army carries out extensive studies of popular attitudes. It’s an important part of counterinsurgency or any form of domination. You want to know what your subjects are thinking. And it released a report last December. It was a study of focus groups, and it was uncharacteristically upbeat. The report concluded—I’ll quote it—that the survey of focus groups “provides very strong evidence” that national reconciliation is possible and anticipated, contrary to what’s being claimed. The survey found that a sense of “optimistic possibility permeated all focus groups…and far more commonalities than differences are found among these seemingly diverse groups of Iraqis” from all over the country and all walks of life. This discovery of “shared beliefs” among Iraqis throughout the country is “good news, according to a military analysis of the results," Karen de Young reported in the Washington Post a couple of weeks ago.

Well, the “shared beliefs” are identified in the report. I’ll quote de Young: "Iraqis of all sectarian and ethnic groups believe that the US military invasion is the primary root of the violent differences among them, and see the departure of [what they call] ‘occupying forces’ as the key to national reconciliation.” So those are the “shared beliefs.” According to the Iraqis then, there’s hope of national reconciliation if the invaders, who are responsible for the internal violence and the other atrocities, if they withdraw and leave Iraq to Iraqis. That’s pretty much the same as what’s been found in earlier polls, so it’s not all that surprising. Well, that’s the good news: “shared beliefs.”

The report didn’t mention some other good news, so I’ll add it. Iraqis, it appears, accept the highest values of Americans. That ought to be good news. Specifically, they accept the principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal that sentenced Nazi war criminals to hanging for such crimes as supporting aggression and preemptive war. It was the main charge against von Ribbentrop, for example, whose position was—in the Nazi regime was that of Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice. The Tribunal defined aggression very straightforwardly: aggression, in its words, is the “invasion of its armed forces” by one state “of the territory of another state.” That’s simple. Obviously, the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan are textbook examples of aggression. And the Tribunal, as I’m sure you know, went on to characterize aggression as “the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself all the accumulated evil of the whole.” So everything that follows from the aggression is part of the evil of the aggression.

Well, the good news from the US military survey of focus groups is that Iraqis do accept the Nuremberg principles. They understand that sectarian violence and the other postwar horrors are contained within the supreme international crime committed by the invaders. I think they were not asked whether their acceptance of American values extends to the conclusion of Justice Robert Jackson, chief prosecutor for the United States at Nuremberg. He forcefully insisted that the Tribunal would be mere farce if we do not apply the principles to ourselves.

Well, needless to say, US opinion, shared with the West generally, flatly rejects the lofty American values that were professed at Nuremberg, indeed regards them as bordering on obscene, as you could quickly discover if you try experimenting by suggesting that these values should be observed, as Iraqis insist. It’s an interesting illustration of the reality, some of the reality, that lies behind the famous “clash of civilizations.” Maybe not exactly the way we like to look at it.

There was a poll a few days ago, a really major poll, just released, which found that 75 percent of Americans believe that US foreign policy is driving the dissatisfaction with America abroad, and more than 60 percent believe that dislike of American values and of the American people are also to blame. Dissatisfaction is a kind of an understatement. The United States has become increasingly the most feared and often hated country in the world. Well, that perception is in fact incorrect. It’s fed by propaganda. There’s very little dislike of Americans in the world, shown by repeated polls, and the dissatisfaction—that is, the hatred and the anger—they come from acceptance of American values, not a rejection of them, and recognition that they’re rejected by the US government and by US elites, which does lead to hatred and anger.

There’s other “good news” that’s been reported by General Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker that was during the extravaganza that was staged last September 11th. September 11th, you might ask why the timing? Well, a cynic might imagine that the timing was intended to insinuate the Bush-Cheney claims of links between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden. They can’t come out and say it straight out, so therefore you sort of insinuate it by devices like this. It’s intended to indicate, as they used to say outright but are now too embarrassed to say, except maybe Cheney, that by committing the supreme international crime, they were defending the world against terror, which, in fact, increased sevenfold as a result of the invasion, according to a recent analysis by terrorism specialists Peter Bergen and Paul Cruickshank.

Petraeus and Crocker provided figures to explain the good news. The figures they provided on September 11th showed that the Iraqi government was greatly accelerating spending on reconstruction, which is good news indeed and remained so until it was investigated by the Government Accountability Office, which found that the actual figure was one-sixth of what Petraeus and Crocker reported and, in fact, a 50 percent decline from the previous year.

Well, more good news is the decline in sectarian violence, that’s attributable in part to the murderous ethnic cleansing that Iraqis blame on the invasion. The result of it is there are simply fewer people to kill, so sectarian violence declines. It’s also attributable to the new counterinsurgency doctrine, Washington’s decision to support the tribal groups that had already organized to drive out Iraqi al-Qaeda, to an increase in US troops, and to the decision of the Sadr’s Mahdi army to consolidate its gains to stop direct fighting. And politically, that’s what the press calls “halting aggression” by the Mahdi army. Notice that only Iraqis can commit aggression in Iraq, or Iranians, of course, but no one else.

Well, it’s possible that Petraeus’s strategy may approach the success of the Russians in Chechnya, where—I’ll quote the New York Times a couple of weeks ago—Chechnya, the fighting is now “limited and sporadic, and Grozny is in the midst of a building boom” after having been reduced to rubble by the Russian attack. Well, maybe some day Baghdad and Fallujah also will enjoy, to continue the quote, “electricity restored in many neighborhoods, new businesses opening and the city’s main streets repaved,” as in booming Grozny. Possible, but dubious, in the light of the likely consequence of creating warlord armies that may be the seeds of even greater sectarian violence, adding to the “accumulated evil” of the aggression. Well, if Russians share the beliefs and attitudes of elite liberal intellectuals in the West, then they must be praising Putin’s “wisdom and statesmanship” for his achievements in Chechnya, formerly that they had turned into a land of wreck and ruin and are now rebuilding. Great achievement.

A few days ago, the New York Times—the military and Iraq expert of the New York Times, Michael Gordon, wrote a comprehensive review, first-page comprehensive review, of the options for Iraq that are being faced by the candidates. And he went through them in detail, described the pluses and minuses and so on, interviewing political leaders, the candidates, experts, etc. There was one voice missing: Iraqis. Their preference is not rejected; rather, it’s not mentioned. And it seems that there was no notice of that fact, which makes sense, because it’s typical. It makes sense on the tacit assumption that underlies almost all discourse on international affairs. The tacit assumption, without which none of it makes any sense, is that we own the world. So, what does it matter what others think? They’re “unpeople,” nice term invented by British diplomatic historian [Mark] Curtis, based on a series of outstanding volumes on Britain’s crimes of empire—outstanding work, therefore deeply hidden. So there are the “unpeople” out there, and then there are the owners—that’s us—and we don’t have to listen to the “unpeople.”
It's easy to read this from a religious perspective. The fruit of the evil of aggression is: aggression. The very failure to apply the rules to ourselves is the evil Jesus denounced:

You load people down with crushing burdens, but you yourselves won't lift a finger to help carry them. Damn you!--Luke 11:46-47a, SV.
That was Jesus' comment on the powerful over the "unpeople." He said more, of course, and it applies to us as well:

Damn you, Pharisees! You pay tithes on mint and rue and every herb, but neglect justice and the love of God. You should have attended to the last without neglecting the first.

Damn you, Pharisees! You're so fond of the prominent seat in the synagogues and respectful greetings in marketplaces. Damn you! You are like unmarked graves which people walk on without realizing it!--Luke 11:42-44, SV
I don't quote these passages to oppress anyone, but to remind us of our need for humility. These are harsh words, but not so harsh we cannot recognize the truth in them and our responsibility for correcting our actions.

One could quibble with Chomsky's assertion in that last paragraph. It isn't a necessary conclusion to the valid observation that the Iraqis are never considered when we discuss the future of "their" country. It was widely reported recently that the Iraqi Parliament had rejected a political benchmark that was supposed to be one of the results of the "surge." This rejection, of course, changed nothing in D.C., or in the calculus of: "What do we do about Iraq?" It is just as easy to be less sweeping in one's conclusion by noting that Iraq still doesn't have a government, even though our government continues to say it does. If so, there is one question: what does it govern? Surely the fundamental purpose of government is to govern. So, what does the Iraqi Parliament govern? What, indeed, does the US military govern in Iraq? Anything at all? And by popular support of the people, or by sheer force of arms? And if the latter, isn't that the generally accepted definition of a military dictator? So if the Iraqi government doesn't provide governance in Iraq, and the only governance provided is, as John McCain and George Bush assure us, is by the US military, doesn't that make the US...a military dictator in Iraq? Aren't we now the "Strong man" we deposed?

If we aren't then, pray tell: what are we?

One last bit because this, too, touches on religious questions:

Well, of course, these four proposals—again, Iran should have nuclear energy, but not nuclear weapons; there should be a weapons-free zone throughout the region; the US should accept the Non-Proliferation Treaty; there should be a turn to diplomacy and an end to threats—these are almost unmentionable in the United States. Not a single candidate would endorse any part of them, and they’re never discussed, and so on.

However, the proposals are not original. They happen to be the position of the overwhelming majority of the American population. And interestingly, that’s also true in Iran; roughly the same overwhelming majority accepts all of these proposals. But that’s—the results come from the world’s most prestigious polling agency, but not reported, as far as I could discover, and certainly not considered. If they were ever mentioned, they would be dismissed with the phrase “politically impossible,” which is probably correct. It’s only the position of the large majority of the population, kind of like national healthcare, but not of the people that count. So there are plenty of “unpeople” here, too—in fact, the large majority. Americans share this property of being “unpeople” with most of the rest of the world. In fact, if the United States and Iran were functioning, not merely formal, democracies, then this dangerous crisis might be readily resolved by a functioning democracy—I mean, one in which public opinion plays some role in determining policy, rather than being excluded—in fact, unmentioned, because, after all, they’re “unpeople.”
Religious questions? Yes. When Jesus stopped to talk to beggars, his disciples usually tried to shoo them away. When Jesus turned to the woman in Simon's house, everyone else in the room was trying desperately to ignore her. Much of Jesus' ministry was to the "unpeople" of Palestine: the beggars, the prostitutes, the fishermen and carpenters who eked out a living at the bottom of the social/economic ladder. When he said "Blessed are the ptochoi, he was speaking precisely of the "unpeople" Chomsky means.

Except, of course, Chomsky means people made "unpeople" by government action and American neglect. Precisely the people Jesus was born to, lived among, wandered among, and was taken from, by the Roman Empire under whose shadow he lived, in a society created as much by human traditions as by Roman ambitions.

The only difference is whether or not we recognize them today; and recognize the Christ who is in them.

Thursday, February 28, 2008

Speaking of the UCC


Just to clarify a couple of points about the UCC-Obama speech flap:

1) The IRS letter doesn't mention the content of Obama's speech; merely the fact that it was made. Some people are focussing on the content, and noting it was non-political, but the IRS guidelines don't restrict what can be said so much as who can say it, and what they do around saying it. So the IRS is concerned that Obama was there at all, and that his campaign workers set up tables on the public street outside the building where the General Synod was meeting. The 1st Amendment still applies in these cases, but it is not, as constitutional law has noted on more than one occassion, an absolute proscription on who can speak. It is, however, an almost absolute proscription on controlling what is said, and the exceptions to the ban on 501(c)3 organizations being "involved" (a term of art in this matter) in politics recognize this.

2) John Wilson understands this, and puts the entire matter in the appropriate context: these kinds of investigations have a chilling effect on other 501(c)3 organizations (it's not just churches!). He cites the Art Institute of Chicago which decided not to present a documentary on Obama, for fear of recieving just this kind of IRS challenge to their status. These things are very expensive, as I said, and charitable organizations don't have lawyers on retainer to protect them from such investigations. This is not, in other words, just a "cost of doing business" for such charities.

3) So, is this investigation "political"? Barry Lynn said "no" on NPR yesterday; but I agree with Pastor Dan: if it's walking like a duck, and quacking like a duck, it's hard to say it's not a duck. I still expect this to end as the All Saints investigation did; but I still think it stinks, you should pardon the expression, to high heaven.