Saturday, April 11, 2009

"Now I'm sad and tired:" Holy Saturday 2009



Now some women were observing this from a distance, among whom were Mary of Magdala, and Mary the mother of James the younger and Joses, and Salome. (These women) had regularly followed and assisted him when he was in Galilee, along with many other women who had come up to Jerusalem in his company.
In the canonical gospels it is consistently the women who pay attention to the body of Jesus. They appear in the Gospel of Mark for the first time, here; but they are two of many, we are told. The irony is not lost on Matthew, who records the days before Jesus' death this way:

Verily I say unto you, Wheresoever this gospel shall be preached in the whole world, there shall also this, that this woman hath done, be told for a memorial of her.
And yet to this day, we don't know who she was. Most memorials are like that, though. We see the statue but have no idea who the person was, or what they did. Or we hear the stories, yet misunderstand them or lose their meaning over time. The crucifixion stories are especially subjects of this problem.

And when it had already grown dark, since it was preparation day (the day of the Sabbath), Joseph of Arimethea, a respected council member, who was himself anticipating God's imperial rule, appeared on the scene, and dared to go to Pilate to request the body of Jesus. And Pilate was surprised that he had died so soon. He summoned the Roman officer and asked him whether he had been dead for long. And when he had been briefed by the Roman officer, he granted the body to Joseph. And he bought a shroud and took him down and wrapped him in the shroud, and placed him in a tomb that had been cut out of rock, and rolled a stone up against the opening of the tomb.
The writer of Mark's gospel is especially concerned to allay stories that Jesus of Nazareth was not dead, and so never rose from the dead. Skepticism abounded, then as now, to such a claim. Joseph of Arimethea is a wealthy follower of Jesus, another unknown person in Mark's gospel until this point. He appears in order to make the burial in a tomb of a Nazarene peasant executed for sedition, for threatening the Pax Romana, credible. Dom Crossan argues it is more likely such a criminal was removed from the crucifix when dead, and tossed in a shallow pit, to be devoured by dogs and carrion eaters. It is not, on the other hand, impossible that a person notable enough to leave such a following behind, would be notable enough in his lifetime to have rich followers who would wish to honor their teacher in death.

But Crossan's version helps us strip away from of the patina of the story after 2000 years, to see it as less an inevitabilty leading to Easter morning, and more as a finality ended before Holy Saturday.

Versions are important here. One version of the Easter story relates it to Ishtar and Sumeria, "[i]n the Sumerian tradition, in which much of the Bible is rooted." The Gospels, however, are also rooted in Greek traditions, no surprise as they are written in Greek, not in a Semitic tongue like Aramaic or Hebrew. Stories of resurrection of heroes are not unknown in Greek literature; they reflect the special favor of the hero by the gods. Paul's account of the resurrection (which, aside from the eucharist, is all Paul ever tells about the life of Jesus of Nazareth) reflect this understanding of the resurrection. Is the story related to that of Dumuzi and Ishtar? Frankly, that one sounds more like Persephone than Jesus of Nazareth, especially as the "descent into hell" and the "harrowing of hell" are not mentioned in the gospels at all, and come much later in Christian doctrine. But again, versions and interpretations highlight the humanity of the stories. These are myths, perhaps, but "a myth traditionally is not just a false tale. Rather, it is a story that, at least at one point in time, had a very powerful spiritual resonance. The story of death and resurrection is one such story." Restoring the power to that story is ever the task of the body of believers.

And Mary of Magdala and Mary the mother of Joses noted where he had been laid to rest.
It is a woman who anoints Jesus in Matthew, in Luke, and in John. And in all four stories, it is women who come to the tomb first. Women care for the dead as if they were living; or, more importantly, as if death really meant something.

2000 years later, it still does, and still should. We gather to worship and pray at the tomb of a crucified god.

Job 14:1-14

14:1 "A mortal, born of woman, few of days and full of trouble,

14:2 comes up like a flower and withers, flees like a shadow and does not last.

14:3 Do you fix your eyes on such a one? Do you bring me into judgment with you?

14:4 Who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean? No one can.

14:5 Since their days are determined, and the number of their months is known to you, and you have appointed the bounds that they cannot pass,

14:6 look away from them, and desist, that they may enjoy, like laborers, their days.

14:7 "For there is hope for a tree, if it is cut down, that it will sprout again, and that its shoots will not cease.

14:8 Though its root grows old in the earth, and its stump dies in the ground,

14:9 yet at the scent of water it will bud and put forth branches like a young plant.

14:10 But mortals die, and are laid low; humans expire, and where are they?

14:11 As waters fail from a lake, and a river wastes away and dries up,

14:12 so mortals lie down and do not rise again; until the heavens are no more, they will not awake or be roused out of their sleep.

14:13 Oh that you would hide me in Sheol, that you would conceal me until your wrath is past, that you would appoint me a set time, and remember me!

14:14 If mortals die, will they live again? All the days of my service I would wait until my release should come.

Lamentations 3:1-9, 19-24

3:1 I am one who has seen affliction under the rod of God's wrath;

3:2 he has driven and brought me into darkness without any light;

3:3 against me alone he turns his hand, again and again, all day long.

3:4 He has made my flesh and my skin waste away, and broken my bones;

3:5 he has besieged and enveloped me with bitterness and tribulation;

3:6 he has made me sit in darkness like the dead of long ago.

3:7 He has walled me about so that I cannot escape; he has put heavy chains on me;

3:8 though I call and cry for help, he shuts out my prayer;

3:9 he has blocked my ways with hewn stones, he has made my paths crooked.

3:19 The thought of my affliction and my homelessness is wormwood and gall!

3:20 My soul continually thinks of it and is bowed down within me.

3:21 But this I call to mind, and therefore I have hope:

3:22 The steadfast love of the LORD never ceases, his mercies never come to an end;

3:23 they are new every morning; great is your faithfulness.

3:24 "The LORD is my portion," says my soul, "therefore I will hope in him."

Psalm 31:1-4, 15-16

31:1 In you, O LORD, I seek refuge; do not let me ever be put to shame; in your righteousness deliver me.

31:2 Incline your ear to me; rescue me speedily. Be a rock of refuge for me, a strong fortress to save me.

31:3 You are indeed my rock and my fortress; for your name's sake lead me and guide me,

31:4 take me out of the net that is hidden for me, for you are my refuge.

31:15 My times are in your hand; deliver me from the hand of my enemies and persecutors.

31:16 Let your face shine upon your servant; save me in your steadfast love.

Holy Saturday 2009


Now some women were observing this from a distance, among whom were Mary of Magdala, and Mary the mother of James the younger and Joses, and Salome. (These women) had regularly followed and assisted him when he was in Galilee, along with many other women who had come up to Jerusalem in his company.

And when it had already grown dark, since it was preparation day (the day of the Sabbath), Joseph of Arimethea, a respected council member, who was himself anticipating God's imperial rule, appeared on the scene, and dared to go to Pilate to request the body of Jesus. And Pilate was surprised that he had died so soon. He summoned the Roman officer and asked him whether he had been dead for long. And when he had been briefed by the Roman officer, he granted the body to Joseph. And he bought a shroud and took him down and wrapped him in the shroud, and placed him in a tomb that had been cut out of rock, and rolled a stone up against the opening of the tomb. And Mary of Magdala and Mary the mother of Joses noted where he had been laid to rest.

Mark 15:40-47, SV

"Then I was inspired:" Holy Saturday 2009



And they tried to give him wine mixed with myrrh, but he didn't take it.
"Myrrh" shows up three times in the Gospels: most famously, in Matthew 2:11, one of the gifts of the Magi. And again in John 19:39: "Nicodemus--the one who had first gone to him at night--came too, bringing a mixture of myrrh and aloes weighing about seventy-five pounds." Scholars agree this is a "wildly extravagant amount," meant to indicate devotion, not history.

And they crucify him, and they divide up his garments, casting lots to see who would get what.
Psalm 22:18-"They part my garments among them, and cast lots upon my vesture."

It was 9 o'clock in the morning when they crucified him. And the inscription, which identified his crime, read, 'The King of the Judeans.' And with him they crucify two rebels, one on his right and one on his left.
Mark's gospel more clearly identifies Jesus' "crime" as treason against the Pax Romana, a direct connection to chasing the moneychangers out of the Temple at Passover, something sure to stir the populace too much at a politically charged time (Passover being the central recognition of the creation of the nation of Israel). "Judeans" is a Roman word, referring to the area Rome called "Judea."

Those passing by kept taunting him, wagging their heads, and saying, "Ha! You who would destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days, save yourself and come down from the cross!"
"Why did you not tear asunder the heavens and come down, that, when you appeared, the mountains might shake, that fire might blaze as it blazes in bruswhood when it makes water boil?" Isaiah 64:1. No, not necessarily what the author of Mark had in mind; but the sentiment is an old one, indeed.

Likewise the ranking priests made fun of him to each other, along with the scholars; they would say, "He saved others, but he can't save himself! 'The Anointed', 'the King of Israel,' should come dwon from the cross here and now, so that we can see and trust for ourselves!"
Again, with the sentiment. And "The Anointed One" is, in Hebrew rendered into English: "Messiah."

Even those being crucified along with him would abuse him.
Psalm 22, again. "But I am a worm, and no man; a reproach of men, and despised of the people. All they that see me laugh me to scorn; they shoot out the lip, they shake the head, saying: "He trusted on the Lord that he should deliver him; let him deliver him, seeing he delighted in him." Psalm 22:6-7

And when noon came, darkness blanketed the whole land until mid-afternoon. And at 3 o'clock in the afternoon Jesus shouted at the top of his voice, "Eloi, eloi, lema sabachtani" (which means, My God, my God, why have you abandoned me?").
Psalm 22:1, verbatim. Notice that none of the Jews standing by recognize the language. It being Passover, they immediately think of Elijah.

And when some of the standing nearby heard, they would say, "Listen, he's calling Elijah!" And someone ran and filled a sponge with sour wine, fixed it on a pole, and offered him a drink, saying, "Let's see if Elijah comes to rescue him!"

But Jesus let out a great shout and breathed his last.
This is the first canonical telling, and the most human description of the crisis.

And they tried to give him wine mixed with myrrh, but he didn't take it. And they crucify him, and they divide up his garments, casting lots to see who would get what. It was 9 o'clock in the morning when they crucified him. And the inscription, which identified his crime, read, 'The King of the Judeans.' And with him they crucify two rebels, one on his right and one on his left.

Those passing by kept taunting him, wagging their heads, and saying, "Ha! You who would destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days, save yourself and come down from the cross!"

Likewise the ranking priests made fun of him to each other, along with the scholars; they would say, "He saved others, but he can't save himself! 'The Anointed', 'the King of Israel,' should come dwon from the cross here and now, so that we can see and trust for ourselves!"

Even those being crucified along with him would abuse him.

And when noon came, darkness blanketed the whole land until mid-afternoon. And at 3 o'clock in the afternoon Jesus shouted at the top of his voice, "Eloi, eloi, lema sabachtani" (which means, My God, my God, why have you abandoned me?").

And when some of the standing nearby heard, they would say, "Listen, he's calling Elijah!" And someone ran and filled a sponge with sour wine, fixed it on a pole, and offered him a drink, saying, "Let's see if Elijah comes to rescue him!"

But Jesus let out a great shout and breathed his last.

Mark 15:23-37, SV

Friday, April 10, 2009

Good Grief Friday


Rick Perry, Gov. Goodhair of Texas, yesterday:

“I believe that our federal government has become oppressive in its size, its intrusion into the lives of our citizens, and its interference with the affairs of our state,” Gov. Perry said. “That is why I am here today to express my unwavering support for efforts all across our country to reaffirm the states’ rights affirmed by the Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. I believe that returning to the letter and spirit of the U.S. Constitution and its essential 10th Amendment will free our state from undue regulations, and ultimately strengthen our Union.”
Rick Perry today:

Gov. Rick Perry is asking FEMA to issue an emergency declaration for 199 Texas counties dealing with wildfire threats.

A FEMA declaration would provide federal assets and firefighting resources to assist in battling the blazes that have burned more than 100,000 acres since Thursday.
I feel compelled to point out, in his defense, that Gov. Goodhair is also a good Aggie.

Carry on.

Good Friday 2009

The music for today should be silence, and darkness the visual. Or Bach, Penderecki, or Ligeti. This is the next best thing:

Thursday, April 09, 2009

Apres moi, le deluge...?



I'm listening to Richard Wolff on Casino Capitalism on the local Pacifica station. His thesis is that American economic history from 1820 to 1970 reflects a rising standard of living, due to rising wages, for every decade of those 150 years. He points out this includes the decade of the Great Depression, because while wages fell in that decade, prices fell faster. This, of course, created an expectation of rising wages and a rising standard of living on into the future. But it ended in the 1970's, due to a confluence of events (two of which, as I can recall, were the advent of the computer, which replaced workers, and the return to full industrialization of Europe and Japan, both of which rebuilt with "Competing with America" in mind. That first might seem less relevant than the latter, especially since the PC didn't come along for another decade, but I recall the stories of people hired to crunch numbers for the Manhattan Project, people replaced now by computers. So there's something to it, in the Big Picture.)

In the '70's, then, that stopped, and the question was: will people adjust? Will they decide to lower consumption, expect less, be happy with what they have, rather than what they can have? (This 150 year period also created the understanding that we are what we own, or what we'll be able to own. A sort of Midas Plague, as it were.) Or would they borrow themselves into a position where debt now equals, even exceeds, income?

I think we know the answer to that one. The question now is: is that about to change, again?:
Ed Kerschner, chief investment strategist at Citi Global Wealth Management, says the US has passed an “inflection” point, marking the end of an acceptance of conspicuous consumption that he traces back to the Reagan presidency of the early 1980s. The end of easy access to consumer credit will, he argues, lead to “thriftiness” focused on “value”, rather than “frugality” focused on low prices.

“It’s going to be about thrift...it’s not about being frugal or cheap,” he says.

Context-Based Research, which sent its cultural anthropologists out to US cities in December, said it heard consumers talking of “community”, “hard work”, and “taking responsibility”.

Robbie Blinkoff, Context’s principal anthropologist, says he expects to see the emergence of a new “reflective consumerism”.

He also says it is still hard to gauge the inevitable impact of the recession on young people. “When I pull out a credit card, my eight-year-old daughter says, “you are using debit, not credit, right, Dad?” It’s funny. But that will stick with her for the rest of her life.”
An Iowa state Senator, on NPR last night, said his mind started to change on the subject of gay marriage when his daughter told him her generation just didn't care who was married to whom. My daughter is studying transgender issues in her high school class, concepts not even spoken of in my high school 35 years ago. In some sense, our children pull us into the future now. In another sense, the future may be here.

I remember the 1970's well. The remarkable economic feature of it was inflation, which fueled credit card purchasing, because you could by today and pay in 30 days, and actually make money, because in 30 days your purchasing power had actually declined, due to inflation. Everybody caught on to this very quickly. I also remember the "new frugality" this supposed imposed on us, because it became too expensive to buy what you didn't need. I was taking TIME Magazine at the time, and the story on the change in consumption stuck with me. This, TIME said, marked a return to a frugal America, to a (they didn't put it this way, but) pre-1820's America, an America before expectations of rising wages and rising living standards created the expectation of the "American Dream:" "Use it up, wear it out, make it do, or do without." That was the America we were supposed to become.

Instead, Whole Foods Market, which started in Austin as an "alternative" grocery store run by hippies, became "Whole Paycheck," an upscale grocery store you at least wanted to be seen in, whether you could afford it or not. When NPR ran a story last Fall about an upper-income mother who'd stopped shopping at Whole Foods because of the expense, I knew something was coming. But has it come now? We thought it had in the '70's; but "easy credit," according to Mr. Wolfe, was just gearing us up for the Reagan '80's, which even financial leaders now saw is the period of excess we are just seeing ended.

So has it changed? I don't know. But the idea of responsibility, of hard work and community? That sounds exactly like the ideas of Barack Obama. Is he shaping the times, or reflecting them? We were supposed to have seen a sea-change in America after 9/11, but did we? We aren't supposed to be seeing a sea-change in America now; but are we?

I think so. I honestly think so. As Mr. Wolff says: "There's nothing left to bubble." The Internet bubble, the marketing bubble, the real estate bubble: all burst. Will we rush to do this again?

No. No, I think our kids are changed, and we are going live into that change.

“When I pull out a credit card, my eight-year-old daughter says, “you are using debit, not credit, right, Dad?” It’s funny. But that will stick with her for the rest of her life.”
I think it's going to stick with a lot of us; especially those whose lives are just beginning and, God willing, are going to be long and full indeed.

"I've lost my harmonica, Albert!"



ARIS is making Albert Mohler's tower of Jell-O tremble:

There it was, an old term with new urgency: post-Christian. This is not to say that the Christian God is dead, but that he is less of a force in American politics and culture than at any other time in recent memory. To the surprise of liberals who fear the advent of an evangelical theocracy and to the dismay of religious conservatives who long to see their faith more fully expressed in public life, Christians are now making up a declining percentage of the American population.
I don't have the statistics readily at hand, largely because it's something I was taught in seminary; but the percentage of persons who regularly attended church (the usual metric for quantifying the number of "believers" or "faithful" in a population) was low in America from the colonial period (surprise!) up until World War II. "Low," that is, by comparison with post-war church attendance. Something about the aftermath of that war (probably because in that war we went from identifying ourselves as a republic based in states, to identifying ourselves as a nation, organized in states but centered in Washington, D.C. We all had to begin to act as one nation, and surely if we were united, we were all church goers. It wasn't long after that war we became "One nation, under God." Except for Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, nobody had bothered to use that phrase for us until the post-war period.) Being a largely ahistorical people, of course, we decided that church attendance had always been that high, especially considering the culture of tent revivals and the impact of religion on American life, what with Prohibition and "Inherit the Wind" and the battle over abortion today. Surely, we reasoned, we'd always been "one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all." Well, for all white male landowners, at least, and a few other groups later, and begrudgingly; but "one nation, under God," to be sure.

Except, of course, we weren't. We weren't "one nation, under God" until 1954, even though Lincoln coined the phrase in his Gettysburg Address. We also didn't put "In God We Trust" on our coins until 1956, when it became our national motto. Starting to see a pattern here? Oh, and the Scopes Monkey trial was far less about religion v. science than it was about Social Darwinism v. democratic America. The reporters who covered it at the time saw it as a battle between religious fundamentalists and religious modernists. An ecclesiastical battle, in other words, not a secular v. religionists battle. Sad to say, at least in the battle for control of the public megaphone, the former won. The much later play was meant to be about demogaugery in the McCarthy era, but true to the fashion of fundamentalists and others who don't study scripture but just look for what they want to find in it, the play has become the symbol of the current battle between science and religion, a battle that is far more modern than ancient. But we are an ahistorical people, and we prefer our history come from a movie screen (thus World War II, an international slaughthouse, became "The 'Good' War," won single-handedly by John Wayne and other tough, virtuous Americans). Meacham may be right, that:

Evangelical Christians have long believed that the United States should be a nation whose political life is based upon and governed by their interpretation of biblical and theological principles
.But evangelical Christians haven't sought to shape the political life of the country until very recently, and even then their efforts are largely a throw-back to the 1950's. Fundamentalist Christians didn't even exist until the 1920's, so this is hardly an American movement with deep roots in American culture or history. So pace Christopher Hitchens, this really doesn’t mean anything.

As I've mentioned before:
1) Church attendance was never very high in American history. I don't have the statistics readily at hand, but at the time of the American Revolution I think roughly 20% of the colonists attended a church regularly, and the number never really went up much beyond that. The cantankerous, non-church going father of "Spencer's Mountain" (by the same guy who wrote "The Waltons") was a typical, not a-typical, American.

2) World War II changed all that. Literally. Sociologists and church leaders agree that church attendance spiked after World War II, for a complex series of reasons. Baby boomers like your host grew up in that "boom," and took it for the norm. It wasn't; it was the aberration.
In brief: we've been here before, and this is not a return to gone away, but a return to status quo. Do we have great swathes of Americans losing out on their chance for salvation? Same as it ever was, and the last time we tried to impose Christian virtues on the populace, it made a rich man out of Al Capone and a slaughterhouse out of the streets of Chicago; not to mention law-breakers out of a sizeable portion of the populace. Delve into the article, though, and authority is precisely what Mohler fears is being lost:

"The post-Christian narrative is radically different; it offers spirituality, however defined, without binding authority," he told me. "It is based on an understanding of history that presumes a less tolerant past and a more tolerant future, with the present as an important transitional step." The present, in this sense, is less about the death of God and more about the birth of many gods. The rising numbers of religiously unaffiliated Americans are people more apt to call themselves "spiritual" rather than "religious." (In the new NEWSWEEK Poll, 30 percent describe themselves this way, up from 24 percent in 2005.)
We aren’t, of course, “post-Christian” at all. What Mohler sees waning is the brief and fitful hope of institutional authority he thought was about to be handed to him and those who think like him. The historic irony there is rich, because Mohler’s Baptist ancestors came to America precisely to escape that kind of religious authority, especially represented by the religious arm of the state, the Church of England. Protestantism in America came over from Europe and brought European culture with it, a culture that supported Protestantism as it always had (Calvin ran Geneva; Luther was protected from the Pope by German princes; the Presbyterians controlled daily life in Scotland, driving out all but the remnants of Gaelic spirituality with Andrew Carmichael managed to save before they disappeared, crushed under the pastor's bootheel). But Protestantism also resented state authority: not just the Baptists but the Pilgrims (my spiritual and eccelesiastical ancestors), and many other Christian groups, came to this country precisely to escape state censure and religious authority allied with governmental power. Jefferson’s ideas did not spring up sui generis; he was merely their most eloquent spokesman.

Protestantism has always been prickly in its insistence on the importance of the individual against the authority of the institution. It’s the primary reason there are still so many Protestant groups, some of them large enough to be considered “Mainline denominations,” some of them so tiny they consist of only a few churches, or are entirely “non-denominational.” Not all of the latter, by any stretch, are “mega-churches.” And just as the culture that upheld Protestantism has faded in Europe, it is now clearly fading in America. Part of the reason for that is spiritual and intellectual; and part of it if the role of charity. As the state stepped in to take over the traditional ameloriative role of the church in European society (the very loss of position which both the church and many public intellectuals feared in the 19th century), the church has withered to a very private enterprise indeed. That change is occurring more slowly in the U.S., but it is occurring nonetheless. What Mohler misses is the weight of the kind of peer pressure to be in church that was at its historic height after World War II, and that has been waning ever since. Now that it seems to be gone altogether, and any hope of reimposing it through politics, or through a centralized denominational authority (the battles in the Southern Baptist Convention were fierce and largely over this very issue) is gone as well. Some, like Mohler, simply suddenly know what they’ve got when it’s gone, and it’s: nothing. Nothing at all.

But that project has failed, at least for now. In Texas, authorities have decided to side with science, not theology, in a dispute over the teaching of evolution. The terrible economic times have not led to an increase in church attendance. In Iowa last Friday, the state Supreme Court ruled against a ban on same-sex marriage, a defeat for religious conservatives. Such evidence is what has believers fretting about the possibility of an age dominated by a newly muscular secularism. "The moral teachings of Christianity have exerted an incalculable influence on Western civilization," Mohler says. "As those moral teachings fade into cultural memory, a secularized morality takes their place. Once Christianity is abandoned by a significant portion of the population, the moral landscape necessarily changes. For the better part of the 20th century, the nations of Western Europe led the way in the abandonment of Christian commitments. Christian moral reflexes and moral principles gave way to the loosening grip of a Christian memory. Now even that Christian memory is absent from the lives of millions."
That Texas dispute, in fact, ended with the reversing of a 20-year old position that insisted evolution and "other explanations" be taught in classrooms. That’s more than a failure of Mohler’s “project,” it’s a repudiation. Mohler’s defense of American morality is based on the same American exceptionalism that appalled Charles Dickens. He is as ignorant of European society and culture as his ancestors were who so disgusted Mr. Dickens. I'm not sure what "Christian commitments" Europe or America lead the world in, given 19th century history, or 20th century history (the greatest slaughters in human history happened under European guidance in both those centures, and we continue to suffer from the sins of those particular fathers). I know a lot of students now for whom that "Christian memory" is wholly non-existent; but they don't make me fear for the future of this country. At least, not because of their morality.

What Mr. Mohler laments, then, is a loss of control; but it's a control he, nor his religion, never really had. Or,for that matter, that it ever should have. It’s one they imagined they would have, in a rosy future. But that future has been snatched from them, and now it seems that loss is not only political, it’s social. It’s cultural. It’s irreversible.

And this is a good thing:

So what we are seeing is not the return of the "Dark Ages" (a misnomer anyway, but that's another complaint, idn't it?), but the last flush on the cheek of a dying age. Church in America is actually becoming increasingly irrelevant as it either disappears into a gathering of grey heads, or as a place where you are told how wonderful you are and the 7 steps or keys or what-have-you for how much better God wants to make you be (I was looking at Joel Osteen's latest book, and comparing it to his first book. This one offers "Seven keys to living with joy and peace." His first was "7 steps for living at your full potential." Clearly it's all about 7; which is so much easier than 12, I'm guessing.) There's everything modern American about that, and very little which is Christian (a friend tells me she's watched Osteen's sermons, and he gives the same one over and over again. Well, it's made him rich....). I've said before this is primarily a good thing, as it will ultimately strengthen a church which needs to cut its ties to the society it finds itself in; but that, too, is another matter for another time.
As I was just saying, in fact:

What's happened now is that church membership is no longer a social obligation. As the culture changes, the interest in Protestantism changes, and that change means a decline in members of Protestant churches. This may be news to the laity, but it is hardly news to the clergy.
Obviously, it’s quite a shock to Mr. Mohler; but not to those of us who’ve been paying attention.

The Newsweek article points out the rift between one generation of evangelicals and the younger generation, whose focus has shifted to making the world a better place, rather than a more moral place. This highlight the unacknowledged problem for Mohler and those who fear what he fears: it’s a problem of identity, and it's two-fold. Part of it comes from their soteriology: its basis is that Christians are responsible for the salvation of non-Christians. The "Great Commission" of Matthew ("Go, thou, and make disciples of all nations") is read as an imperative command to save the world from hell; at least, save those who will listen. But of course, if they have no chance to listen because you didn't witness to them, then the responsibility is on your head. So there are two prongs to this problem for evangelical Christians like Mr. Mohler: a greater need to witness (because so many more are unsaved); and an apparent failure to witness effectively (for, while the success of the witness is up to the Holy Spirit, the witness certainly bears the burden for making the testimony as persuasive as possible.)

The other, deeper, problem, is the problem that fires militant atheists and anti-theists as well as fundamentalists and evangelists of all stripes: the sense that one's identity is permeable and fluid and, to the extent those in the society around you don't share your identity, your identity is called into question. The French saying for self-assurance is someone "comfortable in their own skin." It's a remarkably astute existential observation, since I certainly can't wear your skin, and I shouldn't let you get under mine. I need to be comfortable in my own, which means I need to be comfortable both with me, and with the fact that you are not me. But child psychologists tell us that human development works through stages that begin with learning the difference between self and other, a lesson we never quite wholly absorb. Partly that's because we are social creatures; we naturally identify with the group. It's a strength, but it can become a weakness, leading some of us to insist the group be as large as possible, as homogeneous as possible, and in some cases that other groups be banned or even annihilated.

But generally, we either want other people to think just like us, or to stop representing themselves as being like us. So Christians break into denominations, churches schism and form new denominations, and groups fight over who gets to carry the banner. Both concerns, of course, should be irrelevant to Christians. The kerygma of the gospel is the basileia tou theou. The proclamation is that it is here, now, among us, and as Christians, we are called to live in it. It is in the world, but not of the world, and so are Christians. But the kerygma sets up a central paradox, which is the paradox of hospitality. Christians are called to offer the hospitality of God to all the children of God. But f we offer hospitality, we must have control over some space to which we can be "hosts." But to have that control, we must be children of this world. Therein lies the temptation, the anfechtung, as Kierkegaard would say. And that introduces the mysterium tremendum, the fear and trembling, the sickness unto death. How can we be in this world without being of this world? Yet if we don’t, we cannot truly be Christians.

The anfechtung, the temptation, is to be in the world and control the world, through politics or power or any moral course that makes life better for any faceless group that we define as needing us. Thus our soteriology, which is not rooted in “saving” the world, becomes indistinguishable from the soteriology that puts that burden precisely at its heart. But if we are not in the world, we are not caring for God’s children, who are all, as Christ taught us, the Christ himself, the one we serve by serving the least of all and last of all. But how do we serve them? By politics and social programs and sweeping generalizations that carry them before us, just with better generalizations than Mr. Mohler relies on? Or do we do it by serving our brother and sister who is before us now, the one we can see, touch, feel, hear, help with our two hands and our one heart? The temptation is to seek the power of God, the transcendent power that rains down benison from above. This, too, can be a soteriology, the flip side of the coin from that of the evangelists. Now the salvation comes from the polity, from social justice, from having the right political opinions and enacting the right laws, or enforcing the right social standards. It is the other side of the coin because both soteriologies presume the grace of God is available only through our efforts, that we must be agents of change in the world, rather tha in our hearts.

But the calling is to the powerlessness of God, which is the heart of hospitality: to give over control to the stranger; to let the unknown person have what is most essential to you, as they need it.

So, will the Church fail? No. Will "Christianity" stop being influential in American politics? It never was. It was always the handmaid to power, never the authority on the throne. The prophets may have reminded the King of Israel of the covenant with God, but they only told him what he had done wrong, not how he could improve his standing among the populace. Solomon was an observant Hebrew, but he led the country as a king, not as a religious leader. The calling of the prophets was to the power of powerlessness as well, whether it was Amos, the dresser of sycamore trees, who never aspired to political authority; Jeremiah, who wept for his people even as he denounced the king of Israel; Ezekiel, who suffered bizarre visions and made himself a symbol of Israel's problems, suffering his own torments and the bewilderment of the elders; or Hosea, who married a prostitute and made his children metaphors for Israel's apostasy. They gained nothing for their prophecy; they watched Israel fall, or lived in the aftermath, in a foreign land. And still the children of Abraham did not stop being the children of Abraham.

This week, the descendants of those prophets and Israelites remember the covenant with the Creator. This week, Christians remember the last days, the betrayal, the scourging, the crucifixion, of their Savior. These are the days when anything goes. These are the days of beginnings and endings. This is the way it always is in the affairs of humans. What endures, is the presence of God among us. That presence teaches us humility; that presence teaches us powerlessness. That presence teaches us the true nature of power; and how we should live with one another, as members of a polity, as children of God.

Wednesday, April 08, 2009

Waiting For The Big One


The newest worry is that economic problems will lead to governmental collapse (and, of course, it could happen here!). And certainly, that's a serious concern. It's why Germany is so resistant to government stimulus spending that might trigger inflation. It was hyper-inflation, in no small part, that lead to National Socialists being the only party in Germany early in the 20th century.

But that, as Stacy Peralta says, is because we don't allow such things to happen to white, middle-class people.

"Affluent white kids would never be allowed to gang-bang as our society would do whatever means was necessary to make sure a problem of this magnitude was stopped immediately."
Poor black and Mexican kids? Who cares?

Zimbabwe has the problems Germany had in the 1920's. Nigeria isn't far behind. But lemme know when a European government is about to collapse, because we'll do everything we can not to allow that to happen. That's when we'll know this global economic problem is serious.

Tuesday, April 07, 2009

Here be Tygers


Time to bring this up again:
Torture, as the former vice-president's words suggest, is a critical issue in the present of our politics—and not only because of ongoing investigations by Senate committees, or because of calls for an independent inquiry by congressional leaders, or for a "truth commission" by a leading Senate Democrat, or because of demands for a criminal investigation by the ACLU and other human rights organizations, and now undertaken in Spain, the United Kingdom, and Poland.[3] For many in the United States, torture still stands as a marker of political commitment—of a willingness to "do anything to protect the American people," a manly readiness to know when to abstain from "coddling terrorists" and do what needs to be done. Torture's powerful symbolic role, like many ugly, shameful facts, is left unacknowledged and undiscussed.
By "this" I mean:
We are sure that there are "universal" values that have always been respected by "decent people," or that what has changed is a result of "progress." We consider slavery universally reviled, even as it is still practiced in some parts of the world. We abhor torture, even as we teach other countries (our neighbors to the south, for example) to do it. We are quite sure we long ago gained the pinnacle of civilization, and yet children did not begin to be valued as "little adults" until after the Industrial Revolution and the rise of the "middle class." Child labor laws were tacitly upheld by Teddy Roosevelt (he refused to meet with "Mother Jones" when she lead a "Children's Crusade" march to his summer home in upstate New York when he was President). It was later into the 20th century than most of us think before child labor was outlawed. When Jesus said "you must become like a child" to enter the basiliea tou theou, most NT scholars today agree that meant become as worthless as a child in 1st century Palestine, not innocent as a lamb in 19th century Britain (and then only if you were white and aristocratic).

But surely on more "serious" issues, such as death and torture, there has been agreement throughout time, or at least throughout Western culture?
" ... the modern liberal’s revulsion toward torture is unusual. As Nietzsche and Foucault remind us, through most of human history there was no taboo on torture in military and juridical contexts, and so no need to repress the infantile sadism that nature has be-queathed us. Indeed, Judith Shklar notes a remarkable fact, namely that cruelty did not seem to figure in classical moral thought as an important vice: "[O]ne looks in vain for a Platonic dialogue on cruelty. Aristotle discusses only pathological bestiality, not cruelty. Cruelty is not one of the seven deadly sins . . . . The many manifestations of cupidity seem, to Saint Augustine, more important than cruelty." It is only in relatively modern times, Shklar thinks, that we have come to "put cruelty first"—that is, regard it as the most vicious of all vices. She thinks that Montaigne and Montesquieu, both of them proto-liberals, were the first political philosophers to think this way; and, more generally, she holds that "hating cruelty, and putting it first [among vices], remain a powerful part of the liberal consciousness." Shklar also observes that putting cruelty first, as liberals do, incurs genuine moral costs: "It makes political action difficult beyond endurance, may cloud our judgment, and may reduce us to a debilitating misanthropy . . . ."
David Luban (pdf file) makes a compelling argument. His argument, in a nutshell, is this: "I am arguing that torture is a microcosm, raised to the highest level of intensity, of the tyrannical political relationships that liberalism hates the most." The arguments against it, he points out, are based on five "illiberal" motives: cruelty; victor's pleasure ("The predominant setting for torture has always been military victory. The victor captures the enemy and tortures him."); terror ("a practice that exists to make it easier to subdue and tyrannize people is fundamentally hostile to liberals’ political philosophy."); punishment ("Foucault argues that the abolition of punitive torture had little to do with increased humanitarianism. Instead, it had to do with a change in the distribution of crime in Western Europe. As the West grew more prosperous, property crimes eclipsed crimes of passion as a social problem. This led to calls for a milder but more certain system of punishments. The trouble with torture is that when the punishment is so awful, the temptation to mercy becomes too great. Imprisonment, out of sight and out of mind, replaced the public spectacle of torment."); and for extracting confessions.
"Imprisonent out of sight and out of mind," Foucault mentions, replaced the public spectacle of torment. So we got Guantanamo; and "black sites." And an Administration determined to hide what is was doing, even as it still tries to assure us:
I think those programs were absolutely essential to the success we enjoyed of being able to collect the intelligence that let us defeat all further attempts to launch attacks against the United States since 9/11. I think that's a great success story.
Now, one side of this is that we are being told now that this is news, something known no earlier than 2008. But Jane Meyer's reporting on medical personnel involved in torture dates back to 2005. This isn't news at all. But, as Mr. Danner says:
We will continue in an endless round-robin of revelation, in which we tell ourselves we are learning something new though in fact, when it comes to the central problem of torture—what we as a society should do about it and whether we will in fact do anything—we are in the end simply repeating to ourselves things, however increasingly detailed and awful, that we already know.
So that process has already begun.

The fact is, we like torture, even as the arguments against it become utilitarian ("Torture doesn't work!") rather than moral ("Torture is cruel and unusual punishment.") Indeed, the Constitutional phrase is a problematic one, redolent of a more moral universe, and a poor guide to current deliberations. Is capital punishment banned under such a phrase? Solitary confinement? But what if they are effective? What if they work? Surely what is effective should override any objections about what is cruel. Perhaps that is why the ancients had no discussion of cruelty in the first place. Aristotle's ethics, after all, were not about what is universally right, about what we generally mean when we talk about "morality." The Nicomachean Ethics are about what behavior most efficaciously achieves the telos of happiness. And that depends, for Aristotle, upon bending your behavior to fit the pattern of the most successful and happy persons in your society. Concern for cruelty is concern for the other, no matter who the other is; and that is a spiritual, a religious, concern. It is neither utilitarian, nor classically Hellenistic.

The "endless round-robin of revelation" can begin again because Mr. Cheney is out of power. Now the press can acknowledge what has been in plain sight all along. But it's worse than that, in so many ways. At the bottom of the NYT article there's this:
Another critic of medical involvement in harsh interrogation, Dr. Steven H. Miles, a physician at the Center for Bioethics of the University of Minnesota, said he had counted about 70 cases worldwide after World War II in which physicians were punished for participating in torture or related crimes. Most were in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, he said. None have been in the United States.
So even as we reveal the truth to ourselves again, even more inconvenient truths arise; and will be bat them away? These truths threaten to uncover more truths; the circle of discovery widens. As Ms. Mayer notes, it wasn't just medical personnel who were involved:
“I spent two years trekking around the country, finding out that they were manifestly untruthful,” Sands said. “I’ve got a particular bugbear about lawyers,” he added. “If not for lawyers, none of these abuses would have ever occurred.”
All have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God. But is this merely a "liberal" sin, one conservatives don't deem a sin at all? Did 9/11 really change everything?

Danner says of Cheney's story on US torture:
Cheney's story is made not of facts but of the myths that replace them when facts remain secret: myths that are fueled by allusions to a dark world of secrets that cannot be revealed. At its heart is the recasting of President George W. Bush, under whose administration more Americans died in terrorist attacks than under all others combined, as the leader who "kept us safe," and who was able to do so only by recognizing that the US had to engage in "a tough, mean, dirty, nasty business." To keep the country safe "the gloves had to come off." What precisely were those "gloves" that had to be removed? Laws that forbid torture, that outlaw wiretapping and surveillance without permission of the courts, that limit the president's power to order secret operations and to wage war exactly as he sees fit.
But is that a myth? Do we all agree on "the tyrannical political relationships that liberalism hates the most"? Have we fully accepted those as definitive of the body politic, if we understand "liberalism" in this context as the Enlightenment political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, rather than loosely defined political labels? We say we have, and so torture is cruel, and cruelty is bad on a variety of well reasoned political grounds; but Mr. Cheney arises to put the lie to our convictions. Is he weaving a mythology of his own making? Or is he reverting to a world we thought as dead and buried as the Manichean heresy or the flat earth theorists? Maybe heresies are as unkillable in social orders as they are in religious ones.

What is not mythological is the world as Mr. Cheney sees it; and, ironically, it is a world not that far removed from the world of Mr. Danner. Mr. Cheney thinks our failure to torture will lead to further attacks on the U.S. Mr. Danner believes our inability to protect the country from any future terrorist attack means we will once again demand torture against our perceived enemies in order to prevent, or at least respond to, further attacks after the imagined next one. Both assumes radical effects from relatively simple causes. Which view is mythological, and which rational? Where were the cries for torture of prisoners after 9/11? Where were the cries for incarcerating any male with a "Muslim" name or "Middle Eastern" appearance? The latter happened, and there was little outcry against it, but it wasn't widely supported and it faded rapidly. Were there public demands for black sites and Guantanamo? If so, they never reached the ears of the Supreme Court, which never supported any legal theory the Administration put forward for the prison camp in Cuba. And no one ever took to the streets demanding such places for our own protection. Elections might not have turned on the issue as a negative one, but neither did they ever turn on the issue as a positive one, either.

Whose myth explains this?

The myth that torture works is usually exemplified by the ticking bomb scenario. It is the myth that torture works as a kind of infallible "truth serum," and the myth that truth is objective, real, and can be known. We know this isn't true. Even Christopher Hitchens admits that. So many myths; so little time to dismantle them all. And when we do, what do we have? We still have men like Dick Cheney, insisting the world is safe because of them. Or men like Douglas Feith, insisting they had no responsibility for what was done with their opinions, that they were only advising a President:
“It’s not a happy thing for the Spanish Court to think of prosecuting Americans for advice they gave to the President of the United States!”
We still have entertainments like the "Saw" series, in which victims are tortured until some truth, which justifies the horror and turns the audience from sadistic voyeurs to judge and jury, is revealed. And we know it's true: why would a torture victim lie?

Foucault notes the change in attitudes toward torture, and the behavior of Feith and Cheney confirm it. We don't torture; so they do back flips to justify their actions, point to invisible evidence as proof of their claims, even deny any responsibility for jobs they were proud to do when the mantle of power protected them from the consequences of their actions. Torture is as damning as racism, as verboten as racial prejudice. But is that because putting cruelty first "makes political action difficult beyond endurance, may cloud our judgment, and may reduce us to a debilitating misanthropy"? Or is it the opposite? Or is there a political way to avoid a debilitating misanthropy, at all?

Well, first, let's be honest: we put cruelty first among political vices only by paying lip service to the idea. We regularly keep prisoners in solitary confinement, housed in a cell just large enough for a cot 23 hours a day. Oddly, we don't consider such isolation either cruel or unusual, even as Russian astronauts go into a locked room for 105 months to train for a Mars mission. 6 men will share 2,152 square feet, but the test is necessary because:
"It is of paramount importance to understand the psychological and physiological effects of long-duration confinement, to be able to prepare the crews in the best way possible and to learn about important aspects of the vehicle design."
Important for astronauts; but prisoners are not people. Dick Cheney is not like us; not in the least:
When we get people who are more concerned about reading the rights to an Al Qaeda terrorist than they are with protecting the United States against people who are absolutely committed to do anything they can to kill Americans, then I worry.... These are evil people. And we're not going to win this fight by turning the other cheek.

If it hadn't been for what we did—with respect to the...enhanced interrogation techniques for high-value detainees...—then we would have been attacked again. Those policies we put in place, in my opinion, were absolutely crucial to getting us through the last seven-plus years without a major-casualty attack on the US....

—Former Vice President Dick Cheney, February 4, 2009
So cruelty is, like so many terms, a relative one. It's application all depends on whose ox has been gored, and who we are being cruel to.

What we are forced to confront, as a country, as a culture, is the true legacy of World War II: that America is above the world, and beyond reproach, and can do no wrong because whatever we do is just, and we cannot be subjected to international proceedings and foreign courts. That's essentially Douglas Feith's response to the Spanish investigation into his work in Washington under George Bush. Philippe Sands tells Jane Mayer :
“If I were they,” he said, referring to the former officials in question, “I would think carefully before setting foot outside the United States. They are now, and forever in the future, at risk of arrest. Until this is sorted out, they are in their own legal black hole.”
But frankly, that's advice that makes more sense in Europe than in America. It's easy to travel freely in America and never leave the country. Unless the Spanish government is going to send officers to arrest Mr. Feith or any of the other six currently under investigation in Cozumel or the Bahamas, it's hard to imagine them feeling terribly restricted in their movements. At least not as restricted as an American would feel if he or she was confined to Germany, or Switzerland, or Belgium. Still, there's a certain schadenfreude in thinking John Yoo wouldn't dare take a vacation in Paris, or attend a seminar on law in London or Berlin. It's better than nothing.

But it isn't justice, is it?

It's a start, yes. The legacy of World War II has withered from America as the salvation of the world, to America as Lord Protector of the world. The legacy of Vietnam was, for too long, the unjust war that left us so ashamed it took Rambo to make us feel better, and left the lingering doubt for decades that POW's and MIA's were left behind. Maybe this will become the true legacy of Vietnam: that justice must be done among nations, not just war. But in the meantime, we still have to deal with torture; and not just as a nation, not just through our representatives and our government's lawyers, our courts and juries and prisons; we have to deal with it in our souls. What does it mean when we, the people, torture? Because nothing is done in this democracy that is not done in our names, in our authority, in our place. What does it mean that our agents perpetrated torture, whether our best and brighest (our lawyers, our doctors) or just our most dutiful and honorable servants: our soldiers? Do we truly consider cruelty one of the seven deadly sins? Or is that only when it applies to us, and people like us? Has our abandonment of cruelty allowed our political system to "reduce us to a debilitating misanthropy"? Or is it our ethical system that has done that? The one that places what makes us happy, above what is right?

We aren't to blame, but we are responsible. We can engage in the "endless round-robin of revelation." Or we can face facts. We are no better than we have ever been. But we can be; we can be much, much better.

Saturday, April 04, 2009

Thanks, we needed that?


Begun, the religious blog wars have:

Blogs and other media outlets have recently been buzzing with stories about "rifts" on the religious left.

There is some vigorous give-and-take, that's for sure. Some self-identified liberals are charging that especially some newer, progressive organizations are really "centrists" in disguise.

NB: when a liberal calls you a centrist, ordinarily that's not a compliment.

....

I'll be clear. I'm in favor of reaching out and I am less interested in labels. To me as a person of faith, I believe we should be engaging the public square in order to effect change. In order to effect change, you have to engage in the broadest possible coalition-building. To use a sports metaphor, the point of a football game is not to perfect the huddle, it's to move the ball down the field.
"Labels," of course, are an inevitable and necessary evil, because....well, we are human beings and can't function without our well-defined boundaries!

So, isn't it a good idea to try to move the center back more toward, well, the center? How do you do that? You do that by building bridges, building trust and building a movement. Movements move. It's risky, it doesn't always work out, but it's how change happens.

Among people who self-identify as liberal or progressive, there should be room for diversity of opinion on how to best effect the change we need. And really, if we can't honor diversity, aren't we betraying that fundamental principle of historic liberalism?
Maybe...but before we can do that, we need labels! Lots and lots of labels!

Not for the first time and probably not the last, I am going to steal a bit from Woody Allen, this one about a surprise reincarnation:

"Take Phil Pinchuck. The man keeled over with an aneurysm, he's now a hamster. All day, running at the stupid wheel. For years he was a Yale professor. My point is he's gotten to like the wheel. He pedals and pedals, running nowhere, but he smiles."

Happy hamsters, as it turns out, remind me a great deal of nominally liberal religious centrists, who spend their time chasing after the elusive goal of compromise on social issues.

It seems like a good life. Lord knows they don't lack for friends or attention. All they have to do is pedal and pedal.

They smile while they do this, and some of them dream that if they could only run the wheel in reverse - just a little bit - to forge a post-ideological "strategic alliance" the path to forward motion would open up before them.

And really, what's not to like about giving a little to get a little? After all, according to Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite, it's the "broadest possible coalitions" that get things done. What could be wrong with that?
Get it? Some people are happy hamsters, because they use the wrong labels!

Let me be clear: You cannot call yourself a religious progressive if you don't support full equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender citizens, if you don't support women's moral agency regarding abortion, or if you don't support comprehensive sexuality education that gives our young people the life-saving information they need. But you won't hear certain self-described "progressive religious leaders" standing up or speaking out for these issues.
Labels will bring us peace in our time!

Sorry, Debra Haffner; you do good work, but you don't get to decide I'm not a progressive:

Let me be clear: You cannot call yourself a religious progressive if you don't support full equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender citizens, if you don't support women's moral agency regarding abortion, or if you don't support comprehensive sexuality education that gives our young people the life-saving information they need. But you won't hear certain self-described "progressive religious leaders" standing up or speaking out for these issues....

No true progressive would advocate any strategy to make abortion services more difficult to obtain....

So I say to my colleagues across the religious spectrum: Join me in supporting sexual justice, or stop calling yourself progressive.

Yes, she's perfectly clear: if I embrace a progressive position on everything except one of her pet issues -- just one -- I don't have the secret handshake and must climb down from the progressive treehouse. Presumably she'll be sticking out her tongue at me on the way down.
You can't fool me! It's labels all the way down!

More importantly Thistlethwaite begs the question. Is the problem primarily strategic? Have progressives drawn any issue lines? They are not working with the far, far right. Not with the Family Research Council, or Focus on the Family or that ilk. Would they make common ground or cause with these groups or leaders who held similar views? If it were 1958, would religious leaders who were racist as opposed to sexist be appropriate partners on health care? On the other hand, liberals have not eschewed single issue alliances in which differences on other issues bar a full scale partnership. We have worked with environmental groups, even when their positions on population control disturbed us or the lack of a justice frame that honored the needs of people of color was problematic.

The fact of the matter is that there are very serious value differences among the various parties to both liberal and progressive religious advocacy. We have different bottom lines. Thistlethwaite speaks of the danger of common ground resulting in a lowest common denominator value base, promptly moving on as if it is a given that this has not become a problem. Some of us think it has.
Because, bottom line, Christianity is about....the bottom line. Hang it all, Robert Browning, there can be but one bottom line! But bottom line, and my bottom line? Or perhaps the MSM-narrative bottom line in the article that started this kerfuffle?

Even as groups like Faith in Public Life work to position themselves as centrist, though, much of their work clearly benefits Democrats.
I mean, you can't mix labels like "centrist" and "Democrat"? C'mon, that's so pre-9/11! By the way, it was Faith in Public Life that really started this:

Faith in Public Life helped facilitate a dialogue between high-profile evangelicals and secular liberals to find common ground on hot-button issues like abortion. The project culminated in the release of "Come Let Us Reason Together," a purported road map for ending the culture wars, and a meeting with White House aides.
Nice work, huh? And they say God doesn't have a sense of humor. Or rather, they say if you want to make God laugh, tell God your plans. So, does that mean God is laughing at us? Or near us?

I was watching "Catch Me If You Can" last night, on cable TeeVee, and once again regretting I'd missed a pretty entertaining movie when it was in the theaters (not as entertaining as a blog war on religious labels, but not bad, otherwise). One of the quirks of Leonardo Di Caprio's con man chacater was to peel the labels off of bottles (there was probably a reason for this explained early in the film; I missed the beginning). He kept 'em, stuffing them in his wallet. That's probably a pretty good sermon illustration for this topic, if only I knew how to work it in....

P.S. Speaking of God's sense of humor, one of my day jobs puts this in front of me, quite serendipitously. It gets better: Gustav Niebuhr is the great-nephew of Reinhold, great-grandson of H. Richard.

God is at least laughing behind me.


(the links are all courtesy of Pastor Dan. Credit where credit is due. Now, since I don't have a dog in this fight, I'm going to go bet on Michael Vicks in a football game, or some equally fruitful use of my time.)

Monday, March 30, 2009

Everything old is new again....and again....


First, here's the clear statement on what "Abu Zabaida" (nee Zayn al-Abidin Muhammed Hussein) provided in the way of "intelligence":
When CIA officials subjected their first high-value captive, Abu Zubaida, to waterboarding and other harsh interrogation methods, they were convinced that they had in their custody an al-Qaeda leader who knew details of operations yet to be unleashed, and they were facing increasing pressure from the White House to get those secrets out of him.

The methods succeeded in breaking him, and the stories he told of al-Qaeda terrorism plots sent CIA officers around the globe chasing leads.

In the end, though, not a single significant plot was foiled as a result of Abu Zubaida's tortured confessions, according to former senior government officials who closely followed the interrogations. Nearly all of the leads attained through the harsh measures quickly evaporated, while most of the useful information from Abu Zubaida -- chiefly names of al-Qaeda members and associates -- was obtained before waterboarding was introduced, they said.

Moreover, within weeks of his capture, U.S. officials had gained evidence that made clear they had misjudged Abu Zubaida. President George W. Bush had publicly described him as "al-Qaeda's chief of operations," and other top officials called him a "trusted associate" of al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and a major figure in the planning of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. None of that was accurate, the new evidence showed.

Abu Zubaida was not even an official member of al-Qaeda, according to a portrait of the man that emerges from court documents and interviews with current and former intelligence, law enforcement and military sources. Rather, he was a "fixer" for radical Muslim ideologues, and he ended up working directly with al-Qaeda only after Sept. 11 -- and that was because the United States stood ready to invade Afghanistan.
That's the nutshell version, the first four paragraphs of the Washington Post story which confirms what Ron Suskind told us two years ago. By the way, the idea that Suskind's reporting couldn't be confirmed, so no one else touched this, is, well, bogus. Barton Gellman interviewed Suskind and reported on his books allegations in the Washington Post in 2006. What has changed is as much the willingness of the press to report as it is, per Suskind last night, the willingness of Administration officials to talk.



We knew torture didn't work. ABC reported it two years ago, independent of Suskind's work.
One argument in favor of their use: time. In the early days of al Qaeda captures, it was hoped that speeding confessions would result in the development of important operational knowledge in a timely fashion.

However, ABC News was told that at least three CIA officers declined to be trained in the techniques before a cadre of 14 were selected to use them on a dozen top al Qaeda suspects in order to obtain critical information. In at least one instance, ABC News was told that the techniques led to questionable information aimed at pleasing the interrogators and that this information had a significant impact on U.S. actions in Iraq.

According to CIA sources, Ibn al Shaykh al Libbi, after two weeks of enhanced interrogation, made statements that were designed to tell the interrogators what they wanted to hear. Sources say Al Libbi had been subjected to each of the progressively harsher techniques in turn and finally broke after being water boarded and then left to stand naked in his cold cell overnight where he was doused with cold water at regular intervals.

His statements became part of the basis for the Bush administration claims that Iraq trained al Qaeda members to use biochemical weapons. Sources tell ABC that it was later established that al Libbi had no knowledge of such training or weapons and fabricated the statements because he was terrified of further harsh treatment.
We knew it and, collectively, we ignored it. Now, Dan Froomkin points out the dead rat in the punch bowl:

Indeed, the Post article raises the even further disquieting possibility that intentional cruelty was part of the White House's motive.
This, of course, shouldn't surprise anyone either. Torture is by definition the intentional infliction of cruelty upon another person. It's hardly an accidental condition of detention or interrogation, an unforeseen by-product that "just happens." Still, like calling a public figure a liar, we can't seem to bring our public discourse to the level of complete honesty.

"And when justice is gone, there's always force/And when force is gone, there's always Mom"--Laurie Anderson

Cheney was convinced justice is gone from the world, which left only force. He's made that point clear since he left the White House: Obama is dangerous for America because Obama won't put all his trust in American force. Except force is no what got us into this mess. And who can hale the US into a court of law? Well, Spain may try. If they succeed, it will be only if the six under investigation travel outside the US and, in an ironic twist on those who depended on "extraordinary rendition," they can be seized and brought to Spain. Again, as Rachel pointed out last night, this is how the same judge obtained jurisdiction over Pinochet. Success in convictions would also mean Cheney and Bush were vulnerable to such arrests; but I'm dubious about any foreign power going up against US Secret Service agents in order to forcibly detain a former US President of Vice President. When justice is gone, there's always force.

And when force is gone, there's always Mom. Jonathan Turley maintained on "Countdown" that it's an "open secret" Obama is protecting Bush and Cheney from prosecution, which means no one in Europe, not even Spain, will attempt to try them as war criminals. I don't know how true that is, but the fact that Obama wants Dawn Johnson in his Office of Legal Counsel would seem to belie Turley's concern. Which, ironically, brings us back to where we started:

Far from firing anyone, President Bush asked for this kind of distorted legal advice. Remember, from day one the President sent his lawyers the express message that they were NOT to interpret the law impartially and straight up. Instead they were to further his and Vice President Cheney's agenda of expanding presidential power, of restoring it to its pre-Watergate condition, and leaving the presidency stronger than when Bush took office. And that was before 9/11. After the terrorist attacks, "Legally, the watchword became "forward-leaning," by which everybody meant: ‘We want to be aggressive. We want to take risks.'" (For support for all this, and more, read the excellent recent books by Jack Goldsmith and Charlie Savage.)
That's Dawn Johnson writing in April, 2008. The immorality, the injustice, the unethical behavior, has been apparent from the beginning. Only now are we apparently willing to look at it. "Intentional cruelty was part of the White House's motive." Well, of course it was. Justice was gone; there was only force. Cruelty is all about force. It's about my ability to inflict suffering on you, because I can, and you can't stop me.

And it's not like there isn't a narrative for this, one grounded in the very roots of Western civilization, one as important to understanding where we are today, and why, as the Theban plays of Sophocles or the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle or the Republic of Plato:

Jump ahead about 400 years, to the impending Babylonian Exile. Now comes Jeremiah, descended from a long line of priests, from that very village where Solomon exiled the priest who had supported his brother. And now Jeremiah tells the reigning king:

Let not the wise boast of their wisdom,
nor the valiant of their valour;
let not the wealthy boast of their wealth;
but if anyone must boast, let him boast of this:
that he understands and acknowledges me.
For I am the LORD, I show unfailing love,
I do justice and right on the earth;
for in these I take pleasure.
This is the word of the LORD.

There is a direct rebuke of the descendants of Solomon there. Solomon who purchased his wisdom and his palace and his power and even the Temple, with his central concern for Solomon, and what Solomon could obtain, and own, and control. Solomon who used his control of horses and chariots to exact tribute (read: taxes) from others; who used the location of Israel along the trade routes to exact a toll for what passed through the land, and made sure the money went to Solomon, not to the community. Solomon cared about Solomon, not about:

How good and pleasant it is to live together as brothers in unity!
It is like fragrant oil poured on the head
and falling over the beard,
Aaron's beard, when the oil runs down
over the collar of his vestments.
Is is as if the dew of Hermon were falling
on the mountains of Zion.
There the LORD bestows his blessing,
life for evermore (Psalm 133)

The LORD bestows the blessing freely. Solomon makes sure the blessing is recovered and rewarded to Solomon. Solomon, like the Pharoah, says there isn't enough to go around: not enough money, not enough power, not enough wisdom, and I, Solomon, must control it all, must deal in it, must buy and sell in all the marketplaces, of arms, of ideas, of palaces, even of religion. Because of this, says Jeremiah, comes the Exile.
It can't be said too often: the Exile that shattered Israeli history like a brick through a window, that set Western civilization on the course to expect an apocalypse and an eschaton and a Messiah (from Christianity to Star Wars to the Matrix), did not come about because of the apostasy of Israel, but because of the injustice of Israel. Solomon wanted to preserve Israel by military force, too. That way, however, is always the path to injustice and failure. Ezekiel gives us the picture of God's spirit leaving the Temple because of the abominations performed there, because it is no longer holy. But Jeremiah speaks for all the prophets when he says to the king:

Woe to him who says,
"I shall build myself a spacious palace
with airy roof chambers and
windows set in it.
It will be paneled with cedar
and painted with vermilion."
Though your cedar is so splendid,
does that prove you a king?
Think of your father: he ate and drank,
dealt justly and fairly; all went well with him.
He upheld the cause of the lowly and poor;
then all was well.
Did not this show he knew me? says the Lord.
But your eyes and your heart are set on naught but gain, set only on the innocent blood you can shed,
on the cruel acts of tyranny you perpetrate.

Jeremiah 22: 14-17 (REB)

Set, need it be emphasized, on injustice. On cruelty simply because we can be cruel. The cure, of course, is not to stop the cruelty. The cure is to enact justice. Justice is not merely the absence of further cruelty. It is the presence of right, and righteousness.

It is worth adding this last grain to the pile of sand on the scales. Jeremiah Wright, speaking of the Bible and who wrote it:

In biblical history, there’s not one word written in the Bible between Genesis and Revelations that was not written under one of six different kinds of oppression, Egyptian oppression, Assyrian oppression, Persian oppression, Greek oppression, Roman oppression, Babylonian oppression.

The Roman oppression is the period in which Jesus is born. And comparing imperialism that was going on in Luke, imperialism was going on when Caesar Augustus sent out a decree that the whole world should be taxed. They weren’t in charge of the world. It sounds like some other governments I know.

That, yes, I can compare that. We have troops stationed all over the world, just like Rome had troops stationed all over the world, because we run the world. That notion of imperialism is not the message of the gospel of the prince of peace, nor of God, who loves the world.
Oppression, of course, is just another kind of injustice.

Justice is gone; Bush and Cheney dispensed with that. Force is gone: the inauguration of a new President transferred that obligation, and responsibility, and even duty, to another.

Hi, Mom?

Wednesday, March 25, 2009

All God's Children Need Each Other....



Yesterday, the President mentioned morality and ethics at his press conference:

No. I think there's, there's always an ethical and a moral element that has to be, be a part of this.
Now, he mentioned that in the context of a question about his moral or ethical concerns with allowing stem-cell research, so it wasn't completely off the wall, and it wasn't an answer pandering to a constituency. But it's a good general statement, one he seems to govern by anyway; and ethics and morality have a way of not staying in one place or limiting themselves to issues that only seem to directly involve ethical questions; into areas like the economy, for instance.

Today, we are being told, there is a "push back" coming from Wall Street. So far it is confined to blogistan, but the discussion started with a particularly self-centered and self-pitying op-ed at the New York Times, which ended:

That is why I have decided to donate 100 percent of the effective after-tax proceeds of my retention payment directly to organizations that are helping people who are suffering from the global downturn. This is not a tax-deduction gimmick; I simply believe that I at least deserve to dictate how my earnings are spent, and do not want to see them disappear back into the obscurity of A.I.G.’s or the federal government’s budget. Our earnings have caused such a distraction for so many from the more pressing issues our country faces, and I would like to see my share of it benefit those truly in need.

On March 16 I received a payment from A.I.G. amounting to $742,006.40, after taxes. In light of the uncertainty over the ultimate taxation and legal status of this payment, the actual amount I donate may be less — in fact, it may end up being far less if the recent House bill raising the tax on the retention payments to 90 percent stands. Once all the money is donated, you will immediately receive a list of all recipients.

This choice is right for me. I wish others at A.I.G.-F.P. luck finding peace with their difficult decision, and only hope their judgment is not clouded by fear.
I suppose rather than pay taxes on my income, I'll give it all away so it isn't spent on armaments and war and other things I'm opposed to. I'm sure the IRS will let me do that, as it will allow Mr. DeSantis to decide how to bestow his charity on the world. But that isn't really the point, is it?

The point is: whose money is it, and whose financial system? Mr. DeSantis contributed to one of the companies most singly responsible for an international collapse in financial markets, one that has nearly ruined the economies of whole countries, put millions out of work, cost over $1 trillion on lost wealth in America alone, and for which, he is eager to point out, he is not at all responsible. Since he isn't directly responsible, he shouldn't be required directly to pay. Money is not fungible, in Mr. DeSantis' world, any more than responsibility is, so he wants to be left alone to enjoy the $742,000+ bonus he richly deserves. After all, he worked more than 40 hours a week for it, and he's sure he did a good job; so he deserves it.

My first thought was of John the Baptist, in Luke, when he warns the people who have come to see him:
"You spawn of Satan! Who warned you to flee from the impending doom? Well, then, start producing fruits suitable for a change of heart, and don't even start saying to yourselves, 'We have Abraham as our father.' Let me tell you, God can raise up children for Abraham right out of these rocks. Even now the axe is aimed at the root of the tree. So every tree not producing choice fruit gets cut down and thrown into the fire." Luke 3: 7b-9, SV
Risible stuff, to be sure. But the crowds went out to listen to John; he didn't buttonhole them on the streets. So I don't see Mr. DeSantis and his ilk finding themselves in those words, even though it would be easy enough to substitute "Mammon" for "Abraham," or for Mr. DeSantis and his brethren to see themselves as producing choice fruit and declare: "We're Masters of the Universe! We don't apologize to anybody!" But if it did prick their conscience, at least the one Mr. DeSantis thinks he has, and they asked what they should do, John's answer is practical, if not what they want to hear:

"Whoever has two shirts should share with someone who has none; whoever has food should do the same." Toll collectors also came to be baptized, and they would ask him, "Teacher, what should we do?" He told them, "Charge nothing above the official rates." Soldiers also asked him, "And what about us?" And he said to them: "No more shakedowns! No more frame-ups either! And be satisfied with your pay."Luke 3:11-14, SV
Mr. DeSantis would probably like that part about tax collectors; and if he could see himself as the modern equivalent of a Roman soldier (in many ways, he is), he wouldn't like the implications of the Baptist's command, though he might say that's all he's trying to do by keeping his bonus and, apparently, "going Galt." But he isn't, of course; indeed, self-awareness is the whole problem. For that lesson, we'd need something less specifically religious, and less aimed at those who come to the prophet in the wilderness for guidance, and more aimed at those, like Mr. DeSantis and his disgruntled colleagues, who don't.

Fortunately, we have that:

"The large rooms of which you are so proud are in fact your shame. They are big enough to hold crowds--and also big enough to shut out the voices of the poor....There is your sister or brother, naked, crying! And you stand confused over the choice of an attractive floor covering."

Ambrose
And more in keeping with the admonition of John:

"What keeps you from giving now? Isn't the poor person there? Aren't your own warehouses full? Isn't the reward promised? The command is clear: the hungry person is dying now, the naked person is freezing now, the person in debt is beaten now-and you want to wait until tomorrow? "I'm not doing any harm," you say. "I just want to keep what I own, that's all." You own! You are like someone who sits down in a theater and keeps everyone else away, saying that what is there for everyone's use is your own. . . . If everyone took only what they needed and gave the rest to those in need, there would be no such thing as rich and poor. After all, didn't you come into life naked, and won't you return naked to the earth?

"The bread in your cupboard belongs to the hungry person; the coat hanging unused in your closet belongs to the person who needs it; the shoes rotting in your closet belong to the person with no shoes; the money which you put in the bank belongs to the poor. You do wrong to everyone you could help, but fail to help."

Basil
Mr. DeSantis might well argue that he needs to take more, that he works 14 hours a day away from his family; but then we could introduce him to the migrant workers and those in our country who spend years away from their family, working for minimum wage or less, for as many hours a day as they can get paid for. And we can tell him over and over again: "You do wrong to everyone you could help, but fail to help."

And it doesn't even have to be a religious message.

Monday, March 23, 2009

All God's Children Need Cellphones



Just to add an addendum to what was said before, WaPo notes:

To the usual trappings that help many homeless people endure life on the streets -- woolen blankets, shopping carts or cardboard box shelters -- add the humble cellphone.

Today, it's not unusual for the homeless to whip out Nokia 6085 GoPhones (with optional Bluetooth and USB connectivity), stop at a public computer to check e-mail or urge friends to read their blogs.

It's another sign of a society in transition by way of technology, as businesses shed physical addresses for cyberspace and homeless people can establish an online presence and chase opportunities digitally.

"Having a phone isn't even a privilege anymore -- it's a necessity," said Rommel McBride, 50, who spent about six years on the streets before recently being placed in a city housing program. He has had a mobile phone for a year. "A cellphone is the only way you can call to keep up with your food stamps, your housing application, your job. When you're living in a shelter or sleeping on the streets, it's your last line of communication with the world."

Advocates who work with the District's homeless estimate that 30 percent to 45 percent of the people they help have cellphones. A smaller number have e-mail accounts, and some blog to chronicle their lives on the streets.
The hierarchy of needs depends entirely upon what civilization you live in.