Thursday, April 05, 2007

"Now I'm sad and tired."

I wrote this some time back, in high dudgeon. Now my dudgeon is not so high, and my fervor has cooled. Partly that's a result of being further away in time from the radio program that got me started. Partly it's the fact that the complaints that fired me, seem to have faded; or at least I'm less worried about them than I was before. Partly, it's Holy Week, and more important matters claim my attention.

But I'm still prone to feel this way, which is a good enough reason to go ahead and post it. Besides, at some point, it needs to be said.



So my local radio station re-ran this series from "This American Life" today. I could only get partway through Act 2 before I had to leave, but just re-living the bridge blockade debacle I sat there wondering: what has happened to our country?

As the show points out in the opening, contrary to what Bush and Chertoff and every other Federal official said, once Gov. Blanco declared a state of emergency in Louisiana, and Bush did the same, Bush and Chertoff had all the power they needed to go into New Orleans and do what needed to be done. And they still do.

And it still isn't getting done.

So we have New Orleans, and the Gulf Coast. Nigeria has it's own coastal problems. And what is the Anglican Communion worried about? Poverty? Exploitation? Economic inequalities? Hunger, starvation, homelessness? Any of the "least of these" Jesus told us where we would see, and be able to help, him?

No. We're frantic over whether or not any bishop, anywhere, is gay. Oh, or female, but that last one embarasses us; so let's just fear teh gay, as the kids say on these intertubes.

We had another tsunami this week. Are the victims of the last one okay, that we don't need to worry about them? Are there no refugee problems anywhere in the world? No victims of war, no homeless people on the streets of American cities, no poverty in the Rio Grande Valley? No suffering, no starving, no person on the planet who needs our compassion? What's that? There is? They are still there?

Then why in the name of the God we worship and obey, are we so concerned with who gets ordained a bishop?

I understand the dispute in the Anglican Communion is all about power. I understand Nigeria has set itself up as the "Lord Protector:"

The Primate of all Nigeria has said “Our argument is that, if homosexuals see themselves as deviants who have gone astray, the Christian spirit would plead for patience and prayers to make room for their repentance. When scripture says something is wrong and some people say that it is right, such people make God a liar. We argue that it is a blatant lie against Almighty God that homosexuality is their God-given urge and inclination. For us, it is better seen as an acquired aberration.”
I even understand that I am an insignificant blogger and an insignificant and very new member of the Anglican Communion, and that I should be quiet and let this matter be thrashed out by those who understand that polity of the Episcopal Church and who know the traditions of the Anglican Communion and who will fight for the property that is rightfully ours. I understand all of that.

What I don't understand is what any of this has to do with taking care of the least and lowest among us. What I don't understand is what any of this has to do with the race to the bottom that Jesus commanded us, as his followers, to pursue. How are we being least of all and servant of all when everyone on either side of this contentious issue, is determined to be ruler and decider of all?

"There is one thing that a bishop should say to another bishop," Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, the Anglicans' spiritual leader, told the Anglican leaders and several hundred worshippers in a packed cathedral Sunday. "That I am a great sinner and that Christ is a great savior."
And where did that sentiment go? Down the Episcopal blogistan memory hole as rapidly as it was uttered. It was even more ignored than PB Schori's comments urging TEC to fast for Lent. How can we fast when we need strength for the righteous fight?! How can we fight if we are being humble?!

I know this will be ignored, as my past posts have been. Or it will be misinterpreted, misunderstood, mistaken. I can't even help that. Probably no one will notice, and my little pebble will not even make a "plop!" as it hits the roiling waters of bloggy contention. Blogs are so good at letting us get all stirred up, at drawing to us the righteous like us who alone understand the peril that is before us. But do we understand? Do blogs show us the true peril? Or are they just another symptom of the disease?

The fear on both sides of this struggle is that, if one side fails, the institution will be lost. If that is so, then I say: good riddance! Any institution that God is not with, especially one that claims to be the body of Christ, will not stand if God abandons it. Any institution that God is with, cannot be shaken. It is idolatry to say that God must be with us, and we must be with God, else all is lost. God is with us because God is just, not because we are. If God decides we need a new Exile, a new destruction so that we build on better foundations, so be it. Come, Lord Jesus! But I will not presume to speak for God, no more than I will presume to be protecting God, or God's word, or God's work, or God's way. God needs no protection from me. I cannot make God a liar. I don't have it in my power. Nor does anyone else have it in their power to make me a liar about God.

This is not a fight I will engage. This is not a fight anyone can win. This is not about Christianity, nor even the Body of Christ. This fight is about power. And everyone engaged in it is tarred with that brush. Even me. I am a great sinner. Christ is a great savior.

There isn't any question what is happening in New Orleans now, or why. A picture is worth a thousand words, but I can easily give you a thousand pictures. Pictures can't even scratch the surface of what is going on there, now, almost 2 years later. Where is the outrage of the religious community? Where are the cries for justice, the demands for mercy, the commitment to walk humbly with our God by taking care of the least among us in this, the richest country in the world? During the flood, Gretna closed the Ponchatrain Bridge out of New Orleans:

"If we had opened the bridge, our city would have looked like New Orleans does now: looted, burned and pillaged." Arthur Lawson, Chief of Police, Gretna Police Department.
That's the point where I had to stop listening to the radio show. But it left me wondering: if we can't teach the world reconciliation, if we can't teach the world not to be afraid of others, why are we here? What is church for? And do we teach them, by fighting ourselves?

Wherewith shall I come before the LORD, and bow myself before the high God? shall I come before him with burnt offerings, with calves of a year old?

7 Will the LORD be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of oil? shall I give my firstborn for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?

8 He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the LORD require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?
Why am I going on about this. In part because tt's the same old rub, over and over and over again. Here we are, ready to sacrifice rivers of oil and thousand of rams and even give up our firstborn for God's approval, for God to smile on us and say "You win!" and so we get to claim the prize and keep the church we love, the one "they" want to destroy. And does God settle on the winner, sated like Zeus with our offerings and our piety? No. God wants nothing from us, God simply wants something of us. God wants us to do justice, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with God. So what do we do with all these rams, these rivers of oil? We've been told to fast, but that proved too easy, or too difficult, and we rejected that, too. We wanted action! But again, not the kind that would really require us to do anything, not even to fast. We want something done to them! Those people we think we can control; those people we think we can grab by the throat, even as we think they are grabbing us! We don't like the lesson of the power of powerlessness. If I may be so bold as to quote myself:

I'm a stickler on this point: power only and ever and always serves the ends of power. If God is not about the power of powerlessness, then Paul and I are agreed that the crucifixion was pointless, and all we're really waiting for is for God to get around to making us all believers, whether we like it or not.

But if God is about the power of powerlessness, then even taking up power in God's name is contrary to God's purpose. And a basiliea tou theou where the first are always last, and the last first, is a place with no political power at all.
And still: what does the Lord require of us?


5Is it such a fast that I have chosen? a day for a man to afflict his soul? is it to bow down his head as a bulrush, and to spread sackcloth and ashes under him? wilt thou call this a fast, and an acceptable day to the LORD?

6Is not this the fast that I have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?

7Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house? when thou seest the naked, that thou cover him; and that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh?

8Then shall thy light break forth as the morning, and thine health shall spring forth speedily: and thy righteousness shall go before thee; the glory of the LORD shall be thy reward.

9Then shalt thou call, and the LORD shall answer; thou shalt cry, and he shall say, Here I am. If thou take away from the midst of thee the yoke, the putting forth of the finger, and speaking vanity;

10And if thou draw out thy soul to the hungry, and satisfy the afflicted soul; then shall thy light rise in obscurity, and thy darkness be as the noon day:

11And the LORD shall guide thee continually, and satisfy thy soul in drought, and make fat thy bones: and thou shalt be like a watered garden, and like a spring of water, whose waters fail not.

12And they that shall be of thee shall build the old waste places: thou shalt raise up the foundations of many generations; and thou shalt be called, The repairer of the breach, The restorer of paths to dwell in.
That's where Lent started. How far along have we gotten?

"Then I was inspired...."

On April 4, 1967, one year to the day before he was killed, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. gave his speech at Riverside Church in New York, "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence." The full text is here; an audio version here. What follows are excerpts.

The only change came from America as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received regular promises of peace and democracy -- and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us -- not their fellow Vietnamese --the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move or be destroyed by our bombs. So they go -- primarily women and children and the aged.

They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals, with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one "Vietcong"-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them -- mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children, degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only non-Communist revolutionary political force -- the unified Buddhist church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. What liberators?

...

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

...

At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless on Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called enemy, I am as deeply concerned about our troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy and the secure while we create hell for the poor.

...

The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways.

....

There is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter the struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality we will find ourselves organizing clergy- and laymen-concerned committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy. Such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.

In 1957 a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which now has justified the presence of U.S. military "advisors" in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counter-revolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Colombia and why American napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru. It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable."

Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken -- the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investment.

I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin the shift from a "thing-oriented" society to a "person-oriented" society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. n the one hand we are called to play the good Samaritan on life's roadside; but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it is not haphazard and superficial. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America and say: "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just. A true revolution of values will lay hands on the world order and say of war: "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into veins of people normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing, except a tragic death wish, to prevent us from reordering our priorities, so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

...

Let us love one another; for love is God and everyone that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God; for God is love. If we love one another God dwelleth in us, and his love is perfected in us.

Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day. We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. History is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says : "Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word."

We are now faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked and dejected with a lost opportunity. The "tide in the affairs of men" does not remain at the flood; it ebbs. We may cry out deperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is deaf to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residue of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words: "Too late." There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. "The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on..." We still have a choice today; nonviolent coexistence or violent co-annihilation.

We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world -- a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act we shall surely be dragged down the long dark and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter -- but beautiful -- struggle for a new world. This is the callling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message, of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
The Washington Post said of this speech that Dr. King had “diminished his usefulness to his cause, his country, his people.” Time magazine called it “demagogic slander that sounded like a script for Radio Hanoi.”

This is how the world reacts when you call it to peace, and to atonement. Not atonement in the abstract, something done for you; but atonement in the concrete, something done by you.

Wednesday, April 04, 2007

Morning Thoughts on Soteriology

"After this, our Lord reminded me of the longing I had for him, and I saw that nothing kept me from him but sin, and I saw that this is so with all of us. And I thought that if sin had never existed, we should all have been pure and like himself, as God made us; and so I had often wondered before now in my folly why, in his great foreseeing wisdom, God had not prevented the beginning of sin; for then, I thought, all would have been well. I ought certainly to have abandoned these thoughts, but nevertheless I grieved and sorrowed over the question with no reason or judgment. But Jesus, who in this vision informed me of all that I needed to know, answered with this assurance: 'Sin is befitting, but all shall be well, and all shall be well, and all manner of things shall be well.'

"With this bare word 'sin' our Lord brought to my mind the whole extent of all that is not good, adn the shameful scorn adn the utter humiliation that he bore for us in this life, and his dying, and all the pains and suffering of all his creatures, both in body and in spirit--for we are all to some extent brought to nothing and shall be brought to nothing as our master Jesus was, until we are finally purged: that is to say until our mortal flesh is brought completely to nothing, and all those of our inward feelings which are not truly good....

"But I did not see sin; for I believe it has no sort of substance nor portion of being, nor could it be recognized were it not for the suffering which it causes. And this suffering seems to me to be something transient, for it purges us and makes us know ourselves and pray for mercy; for the Passion of our Lord supports us against all this, and this is his blessed will. And because of the tender love which our good Lord feels for all who shall be saved, he supports us willingly and sweetly, meaning this: 'It is true that sin is the cause of all this suffering, but all shall be well, and all shall be well, and all manner of thing shall be well.' These words were said very tenderly, with no suggestion that I or anyone who will be saved was being blamed. It would therefore be very strange to blame or wonder at God because of my sin, since he does not blame me for sinning.

"And thus our good Lord answered all the questions and doubts I could put forward, saying most comfortingly, 'I may make all things well. I can make all things well and I will make all things well and I shall make all things well; and you shall see for yourself that all manner of things shall be well.

"And I wondered greatly as this revelation, and considered our faith, wondering as follows: our faith is grounded in God's word, and it is part of our faith that we should believe that God's word will be kept in all things; and one point of our faith is that many shall be damned--like the angels who fell out of heaven from pride, who are now fiends, and men on earth who die outside the faith of Holy Church, that is, those who are heathens, and also any man who has received Christianity and lives an unChristian life and so dies excluded from the love of God. Holy Church teaches me to belive that all these shall be condemned everlastingly to hell. And given all this, I thought it impossible that all manner of things should be well, as our Lord revealed at this time. And I received no other answer in showing from our Lord God but this: 'What is impossible to you is not impossible to me. I shall keep my word in all thing and I shall make all things well.'

"...the more anxious we are to discover [God's] secret knowledge about this or anything else, the further we shall be from knowing it...."

From chapters 27, 29, 32, and 33, Reflections of Divine Love, Julian of Norwich.

Salvation in Holy Week

It's the only thing that would bring me out of my shell. Fr. Jake takes up the question of atonement, and I feel compelled to put my two cents in.

If I only knew where my two cents was.

Compulsion is stronger than reason, though, so I plunge in anyway. Actually, my thinking about it starts with the reading from Palm Sunday last:

Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not regard equality with God as something to be exploited, but emptied himself, taking the form of a slave, being born in human likeness.
And being found in human form, he humbled himself and became obedient to the point of death-- even death on a cross.
Therefore God also highly exalted him and gave him the name that is above every name, so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bend, in heaven and on earth and under the earth, and every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father. (Phillipians 2:5-11)
If memory serves (and if I'm wrong, please correct me) this is one of the earliest doxologies in Paul, derived from the earliest proclamations of the meaning of the cross. We have to understand that death on the cross was a fiercely shameful act, and to even think of starting a group praising such a criminal, a political criminal; well, imagine trying to convince people to exalt an executed prisoner as a holy person, and then, even more bizarre, as equal to God! But notice that Paul doesn't say anything about blood, or sin, or redemption, in that passage (Fr. Jake does a fine summary of the major theories). Which is another reason I like this passage; it gets us as near as we can to the Absolute Paradox Johannes Climacus wrote about. Why drag Kierkegaard into this? Because atonement (pace C.S. Lewis) has to do with love; or it is about nothing at all:

Suppose, then, that there was a king who loved a maiden of lowly station in life. The king's heart was unstained by the wisdom (loudly enough proclaimed) unacquainted with the difficulties that the understanding uncovers in order to trap the heart and that give the poets enough to do and make their magic formulas necessary. His resolution was easy to carry out, for every politician feared his wrath and dared not even to hint at anything. Every foreign country trembled before his power and dared not to refrain from sending a congratulatory delegation to the wedding. And no cringing courtier, groveling before him, dared to hurt his feelings lest his own head be crushed. So let the harp be tuned; let the poets' songs begin; let all be festive while erotic love celebrates its triumph, for erotic love is jubilant when it unites equal and equal and is triumphant when it makes equal in erotic love that which was unequal.

Then a concern awakened in the king's soul. Who but a king who thinks royally would dream of such a thing! He did not speak to anyone about his concern, for if he had done so, anyone of his courtiers would presumably have said, "Your Majesty, you are doing the girl a favor for which she can never in her lifetime thank you adequately." No doubt the courtier would arouse the king's wrath, so that the king would have him executed for high treason against his beloved, and thereby would cause the king another kind of sorrow. Alone he grappled with the sorrow in his heart: whether the girl would be made happy by this, whether she would acquire the bold confidence never to remember what the king only wished to forget-that he was the king and she had been a lowly maiden. For if this happened, if this recollection awakened and at times, like a favored rival, took her mind away from the king, lured it into the inclosing reserve of secret sorrow, or if at times it walked past her soul as death walks across the grave--what would be the gloriousness of erotic love then! Then she would indeed have been happier if she had remained in obscurity, loved by one in a position of equality, contented in the humble hut, but boldly confident in "her love and cheerful early and late. What a rich overabundance of sorrow stands here as if ripe, almost bending under the weight of its fertility, only awaiting the time of harvest when the thought of the king will thresh all the seeds of concern out of it. For even if the girl were satisfied to become nothing, that could not satisfy the king, simply because he loved her and because it would be far harder for him to be her benefactor than to lose her. And what if she could not even understand him-for if we are going to speak loosely about the human, we may well assume an intellectual difference that makes understanding impossible. What a depth of sorrow slumbers in this unhappy erotic love! Who dares to arouse it! (Johannes Climacus (Soren Kierkegaard) Philosophical Fragments, tr. Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Unversity Press, 1985, pp. 26-28)
What does this have to do with atonement? The parable doesn't end there. Climacus goes on:

Now if the moment is to have decisive significance (and without this we return to the Socratic, even though we think we are going further), the learner is in untruth, indeed, is there through his own fault---and yet he is the object of the god's love. The god wants to be his teacher, and the god's concern is to bring about equality. If this cannot be brought about, the love becomes unhappy and the instruction meaningless, for they are unable to understand each other. We probably think that this may be a matter of indifference to the god, since he does not need the learner, but we forget--or rather, alas, we demonstrate--hwo far we are from understanding him; we forget that he does indeed love the learner. And just as that royal sorrow is found only in a royal soul and most human languages do not name it at all, likewise all human language is so self-loving that it has no information of such a sorrow. But the god has kept it to himself, this unfathomable sorrow, because he knows that he can push the learner away, can do without him, that the learner has incurred utter loss through his own fault, that he can let him sink, and he knows how nearly impossible it is to maintain the learner's bold confidence, without which understanding and equality disappear and the love is unhappy. Anyone who does not have at least an intimation of this sorrow is a lumpish soul with as much character as a small coin bearing the image neither of Caesar nor of God.
"Render unto Caesar," if you're wondering.

After examining the possible solution by an "ascent" of the learner (but then the learner forgets himself), and a solution Socratically (wherein one learns to become sufficient in oneself), but this too, fails:

The truth, then, is that the learner owes him [the teacher, the god] everything. But that which makes understanding so difficult is precisely this: that he becomes nothing and yet is not annihilated; that he owes him everything and yet becomes boldly confident; that he understands the truth, but the truth makes him free; that he grasps the guild of untruth, and then again bold confidence triumphs in the truth. Between one human being and another, to be of assistance is supreme, but to beget is reserved for the god, whose love is procreative, but not that procreative love of which Socrates knew to speak so beautifully on a festive occasion. So a descent must be attempted, since ascent will not work.

For this is the boundlessness of love, that in earnestness and truth and not in jest it wills to be the equal of the beloved, and it is the ominipotence of resolving love to be capable of that which neither the king nor Socrates was capable, which is why their assumed characters are still a kind of deceit.

Look, there he stands--the god. Where? There. Can you not see him? He is the god, and yet he has no place where he can lay his head, and he does not dare to turn to any person lest that person be offended at him. He is the god, and yet he walks more circumspectly thatn if angels were carrying him--not to keep him from stumbling, but so that he may not tread in the dust the people who are offended at him. He is the god, and yet his eyes rest with concern on the human race, for the individual's tender shoot can be crushed as readily as a blad of grass. Such a life--sheer love and sheer sorrow. To want to express the unity of love and then not to be understood, to be obliged to fear for everyone's perdition and yet in this way trulty to be able to save only one single person--sheer sorrow, while his days and hours are filled with the sorrow of the learner who entrusts himself to him. Thus does the god stand upon the earth, like unto the lowliest through his omnipotent love. He knows that the learner is untruth--what if he made a mistake, what if he became weary and lost his bold confidence! Oh, to sustain heaven and earth by an ominpotent "Let there be," and then, if this were to be absent for one fraction of a second, to have everything collapse--how easy this would be compared with bearing the possibility of the offense of the human race when out of love one became its savior!
The heart of the Christian proclamation is this paradox: God became human (how?). God loved us so much God became us, because how else, finally, could God love us? And in that love we find our salvation. Was the death really a necessary part of it? I think so, but not for the reasons usually posited. I think it demonstrates, once and for all, the power of powerlessness. After all, there is no power without resistance. And being faithful to God, even to death--death on a cross!, is the first fruit of the new life, of the basiliea tou theou, of the love that made God our saviour. It is about the vulnerability that saves us, the wound that heals us, the paradox that is in fact the truth. Perhaps we could say the atonement is not about blood and death and sin, but simply about living backward:

I'm about to write a lecture on the challenge of God, and the key to my thesis is that if we were to "live backward," worship would be the most challenging part of our week, as we would stand fully in the awesome and awful (in the oldest sense of that word, i.e., awe (also the old sense of that word) inspiring) presence of God, and after that, the week would be a piece of cake. Not because we'd eaten that live toad for the week, but because the presence of God that would fill us would put the rest of our world into proper perspective. So even worship can be seen as making us vulnerable, if it is truly and properly approached. Hospitality, justice, diversity, contemplation, discernment: is there any doubt those make us vulnerable? Is there any doubt John Yoo would gladly scrap justice, just to let us imagine we have increased our security? Is there any doubt the paradox of vulnerability, just like the paradox of powerlessness, is at work here, and our very willingness to accept risk in the name of justice, is what makes us stronger than any enemy who denies justice to us?
Probably ought to go re-read that lecture. In the meantime, you can re-read Kierkegaard. Been reading that passage for years, but typing it as I thought about it's application to soteriology, I finally understood it. Maybe the context here will help you. I hope so. Think of it in terms of the paradox of powerlessness, of there being no power without resistance, of the crucifixion and the resurrection (one without the other is meaningless, even in the harshest atonement theory) teaching that lesson, finally and for all time.

Tuesday, April 03, 2007

Tuesday of Holy Week--2007

From comments at Eschaton earlier this week:

*FLASH* Soledad informs me that "all this week"
American Morning will broadcast from "the Holy Land!"
plantsman

Wall Street?
attaturk

American troops are on hand to be sure no money lenders will be harassed.
The last is from your humble host. I had this comment in mind, from kathz:

This is a serious query though it may sound as though it isn't. Why, when the events of Palm Sunday are celebrated and the subject of hymns, re-enactments, etc. is so little attention paid to throwing the money-changers and sellers out of the temple? This story appears in all four gospels; Matthew, Mark and Luke suggest the timing was Palm Sunday or the day after (although John places it after the account of the Wedding in Cana). The words spoken are roughly the same although muted a bit in John. This repetition suggests it's important - perhaps linking to earlier Judaic teaching (in Amos, I think) about the importance of fair dealing with the poor and suggesting anger at commercial practices, at least as they affect religious life. But although the story is known, it seems to be sidelined in accounts and celebrations of Holy Week (though I haven't been an Anglican for some time and much of my knowledge is derived from services on BBC's Radio 4).
I'm not sure why the seminal event of the cleansing of the Temple was removed from the Sunday liturgy, though I have my suspicions. It does come up today, however, in the lectionary for Tuesday of Holy Week:

Then they came to Jerusalem. And he entered the temple and began to drive out those who were selling and those who were buying in the temple, and he overturned the tables of the money changers and the seats of those who sold doves; and he would not allow anyone to carry anything through the temple.

He was teaching and saying, "Is it not written, 'My house shall be called a house of prayer for all the nations'? But you have made it a den of robbers."

And when the chief priests and the scribes heard it, they kept looking for a way to kill him; for they were afraid of him, because the whole crowd was spellbound by his teaching. And when evening came, Jesus and his disciples went out of the city.
Mark 11:15-19

This passage doesn't show up at all in the Liturgy of the Palms for the lectionary in the Book of Common Prayer. It is in the Liturgy of the Word for year B, which uses all of Mark 15. But lectionary resources for the Anglican Communion, even for The Episcopal Church, seem to vary. This online resource, for example, gives me a very different reading for today than the Prayer book does. But it's fair to say the cleansing of the temple is not common fare for Sunday readings in the Episcopal church, at least. Why not?

Well, I don't have a definitive answer. The cynical answer is that church was quite full last Sunday, and no one likes to remind the congregation that Jesus chased the money-changers out of the temple, especially in America or western Europe. But I don't think that's it. More likely, the answer is in the conflation of Palm Sunday and Passion Sunday.

For a time the two were separated: Palm Sunday didn't immediately preceded Easter; Passion Sunday did. But Palm Sunday is the Sunday of spectacle, much like Easter Sunday. And my educated guess is that people came on Palm Sunday, and avoided Passion Sunday much as they avoid Good Friday today. So Palm Sunday moved closer to Easter, and Passion Sunday was included so people would remember the reason for Easter. And in that move, with so much of the story to tell, something had to give way.

The usual reading for the Liturgy of the Palms is the Palm Sunday story from one of the synoptics. In the Episcopal church, this is read (if possible) outside, prior to a procession (with palms) into the church. Once inside, the mood shifts, and the longer Passion story, again from one of the synoptics, is read (John's passion is read on Good Friday). But except for Mark's version, the other two synoptic stories are so long, it's easier to simply start them after the cleansing of the Temple. This is a real loss, of course, because it shifts the focus from what most New Testament scholars think is the historical reason for the crucifixion (Jesus stirring up the people during Passover) to the soteriological reasons decided on some 4 centuries later.

In historical context, the palace of Pilate had walls that looked down directly into the courtyard of the Temple. Passover was a Jewish holiday of national identity, and so one of great concern to the Pax Romana. Pilate's guards would have been watching from the walls all that went on in the Temple during this most important of weeks. A lone figure driving people out of the Temple would have been reason enough for Pilate to execute him. The Pax Romana was brutally enforced, and this one instance would have been enough to bring the itinerant teacher from a backwater like Galilee to the attention of the Roman Governor.

The irony is that most of the explanations for Jesus' execution are probably false, or at most unlikely. Crucifixion was a punishment reserved for political crimes. The label "King of the Jews" would make sense to Rome only as a political claim. Christians have abstracted "Messiah" into a wholly metaphysical position, but it would not have been understood that way in 1st century Palestine. Most of the Passion stories (such as Luke's tale of Barabbas) are more likely inventions meant to deflect Roman interest from any written allegation that Rome behaved unjustly; not to reflect the reality of the grounds for the execution itself. So I find it unfortunate that the temple cleansing isn't better represented in Holy Week. But I suspect the line had to be drawn somewhere, for the sake of the liturgy, and that's where it fell.

Sunday, April 01, 2007

The Lucifer Effect?

Not to be unkind, (yes, you'll have to listen to or read the interview first)this is something or unduly harsh, but the Desert Fathers understood this: who you are actually comes from where you are. It is external, not internal.

Making it internal is the hard work of spiritual discipline. Making it internal will save your life. But it is "a condition of complete simplicity, costing not less than everything." Which is why so few of us pursue it, and why so many of us are so dependent on the good will of others for the safety and comfort, and even sanity, of ourselves.

Dese are de conditions dat prevail!

Speaking of hospitality

What about the children?

This strikes me as a very real dilemma, one to which the group must respond. But is there a right answer?

Just in time for Holy Week

From the sublime:

It might strike you as a bit long (about 12 mins.) but it's presented here as time for meditation on the essential things, and, besides, the last thirty seconds of the motet is exquisite!
Yes, they are.

To the deliciously ridiculous.



As Pastor Dan said: God Bless Tom Waits

Justice Delayed

is justice finally done. I guess.

Australian David Hicks pleaded guilty at the Guant‡namo Bay Navy Base yesterday to supporting terrorism in exchange for a nine-month prison sentence under a plea deal that forbids him from claiming he was abused in U.S. custody.

In return, Hicks, 31, will be allowed to leave Guant‡namo within 60 days to serve out the sentence in his native Australia. He will be free by New Year's Eve.

"They told us this was one of the world's worst terrorists, and he got the sentence of a drunken driver," said Ben Wizner, staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union.
Of course, why did Hicks enter a plea agreement, when he had one of the best criminal defense attorneys in Manhattan on his side? Because he didn't have him any more. One of those things laypeople call a "technicality." At least, when they don't like the outcome, that's what they call it:

The first serious cracks in the newly minted Military Commissions Act started to appear just two hours after Hicks entered the courtroom on Monday, when the judge disqualified two of Hicks' civilian defense attorneys.

One of the disqualified lawyers was Joshua Dratel, a well-known Manhattan criminal defense attorney. Dratel has been on Hicks case since Hicks was first charged, about three years ago.

Under the new regulations, civilian lawyers are required to sign an agreement to abide by the new tribunal rules. But the military hasn't finished writing the rules. Dratel said he could not sign a blank check, documents that might commit him to regulations that have yet to be written.

So he withdrew from defending his client.

"It has never happened to me before," Dratel said. "It was unprecedented, in my experience, and unfortunate. It was not lightly done."

By the end of the hearing, Hicks was left with one military lawyer sitting at his defense table. A few hours later, court was suddenly reconvened and Hicks pleaded guilty.

His lawyers had predicted this might happen because Hicks felt the new trial process heavily favored the prosecution. They said Hicks was depressed and knew he could probably work out a deal to serve out the rest of his time in an Australian prison
We are still not a country to let due process and equal protection get in the way of dealing with the world's worst terrorists. Or even a little thing like torture:

Also yesterday, the Pentagon released transcripts from a March 14 hearing from a suspected Saudi terrorist held at Guant‡namo Bay.

Abd al Rahim al Nashiri told a military hearing that he was routinely tortured by his American jailers into falsely confessing that he was involved in the USS Cole bombing and that he claimed that Osama bin Laden had a nuclear bomb only to please his captors and stop the abuse.

"It happened during interviews. One time they tortured me one way, and another time they tortured me in a different way," al Nashiri said.

I feel so much safer. We shredded the Geneva Convention, tossed habeus corpus aside like a used kleenex, trampled every standard of justice, all on the advice of an Attorney General who is either a liar, incompetent, or both; and all we got was this lousy nine-month sentence for a guy Australia, our staunchest ally in this insane war, has been clamoring for.

Palm Sunday of the Passion of Our Lord

There are only 4 occassions when I, child of the Reformed traditions that I am, think a sermon or homily or almost any extraneous words at all, is unnecessary, when I think we should just let the story wash over us. The other three are Good Friday, Christmas Eve, and Christmas Day. This is the fourth one: Palm Sunday.

Of course now, in many churches, we have to lump together Palm Sunday with Passion Sunday. Time was we did them separately: triumphal entry one week, tragic consequence the next. Perhaps we don't have the time now, and we want to take our medicine all at once. Perhaps we don't really want to take our medicine (how many of us try to attend Maundy Thursday and Good Friday and Easter Vigil, if available, and then Easter Sunday? There's a reason pastors talk about the hard work of getting Jesus resurrected.). One explanation I've heard is that people want to skip the passion and go straight to the empty tomb; which is a terrible cheat.

Maybe it's that we're all Docetists now. It disturbs us to think we worship a crucified God. The Absolute Paradox of God becoming human is too much to wrap our heads around, so we object when Jesus is portrayed as a true adult male. Crucifixion, of course, is too crude for modern sensibilities, so we don't think much about it anymore. The cruelty of death on a cross has been documented. But cruel death was a commonplace in 1st century Palestine. The Romans added true shock value to the torture by hanging the victim naked. Not that the victim much cared, of course; or didn't care for long, given the agonies of death crucifixion inflicted. The shame of nakedness was for the public; death they expected to be cruel, but shame....

We still don't like shame, of course, so we don't want to see Jesus on the cross without a loincloth either. Perhaps it's just as well. Or perhaps it would help us take a bit more seriously the story of the passion. Links to the Liturgy of the Palms and the Liturgy of the Passion can be found here. No other sermon today. After all, I've got enough to say on other topics.

Clash of Generations

Andrew Golis at TPM is right: this is an amazing conversation, no matter who is having it:

On March 29, 2007 - 4:03pm Marshall Ganz said:
I agree that we don't will movements into existence, but I do think that the choices we make have something to do with it. I've been teaching the Montgomery Bus Boycott in a variety of different settings and one of the most interesting features is the way in which the choices the people made - E.D. Nixon, Rosa Parks, Fred Gray, Jo Ann Robinson, Martin Luther King, and others - interacted to launch this key chapter in the initiation of the civil rights movement. Dr. King's talk on the night of the first day of the boycott - which had been intended to be only a one day boycott -- put it so well in the way he combined his story of the transcendent pursuit of divine, civic, and racial justice with the strategic outcome of desegregating Montgomery's busses through collective action. I think we'd agree that "winning" takes this combination of moral energy, strategic focus, and organization building.

On March 29, 2007 - 4:17pm destor23 said:
Sure, the values/practicality combo is great when it results in the desegregation of a busline.

But look how it's implemented today. You wind up with Hillary Clinton and Joe Lieberman fretting about violent video games and threatening free speech in the process. With Chuck Schumer advocating an internet porn tax.

Issues matter. Especially often derided social issues. All too often, in a quest to combine values with a winning strategy, Democrats have advocated a rather conservative, or at least common stance on issues involving freedom of expression. I never see a move towards a more radical culture and a fairer economy combined.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

On March 29, 2007 - 4:41pm Heather Booth said:
You are so right that the choices we make, the leadership that is prepared, the willingness to jump in (even when--maybe especially when) we are not sure of the outcome, being ready to take risks and knowing that we need to move and organize with the people who are affected--all this determines if we can seize the moment. The moral energy, strategic focus and organization matters enormously.

And it is also true that even the same actions taken at another time, may not yield those results. And when there is not movement, we can be especially appreciative of organization.

Montgomery exploded because of the enormous pent up frustration, the rise of an African American population with some resources (to ride the buses and some with cars as an alternative), with a taste of rights (from the army and the network of civil rights groups and churches to provide organization).

Movement and organization, undergirded by courage and action and organizing is a center piece for the change we want to see. And how we build in the periods when there is not movement is also a test (and testimony) to the strategy and skills we have learned that help us endure and win.

--Heather

On March 29, 2007 - 7:09pm kozmik said:
The solution isn't in helping leaders pick the right rhetoric.
The solution is for voters to pick the right leaders who are sincerely committed to actions which happen to be right for the times. That's the real problem, most voters aren't very united or willing to put common goals before personal goals.

Montgomery exploded because of the enormous pent up frustration, the rise of an African American population with some resources ...

I don't mean to diminish the hardship and achievement of blacks and the civil rights movement, but without factoring in the larger environment of white America, it's like discounting the weather and kindling, wet or dry, when trying to build a campfire.

It seems this abstract debate tends to polarize between charismatic leaders with great rhetorical skills "willing into existence" movements on one hand, and oafish triangulation wonks incapable of providing a compelling narrative, on the other. We'd all like to have a charismatic leader to will out own personal issues into a movement, a personal god to pray to.

In reality, charismatic leaders tend to culminate movements which have already achieved a critical mass of like-minded voters, at least in spirit, if not yet in the details. Such powerful movements emerge in a million little mysterious ways in the culture.

The right leader at the right moment is critical, to iron out the wrinkles and focus people into action. The benefit of such unity is a powerful movement, shared purpose, and charismatic leaders who embody that purpose. The downside is that issues outside that focus must wait till they can achieve such consensus.

Until we on the left acknowledge this reality, of strength in unity of numbers, and the subsequent inherent need for compromise, we'll not see great leaders or hear great rhetoric on a national scale. It would simply be impossible for any leader to attempt to straddle the issues which divide us presently.

On March 29, 2007 - 9:04pm Marshall Ganz said:
Leaders and their constituencies interact. One of the challenges of leadership is to interpret, articulate, and celebrate those values that can inspire not only action, but compassion, perhaps, and courage. This isn't about charisma, but the work of everyday leadership that people do in their homes, work places, places of worship, schools, athlectic events, and so forth. For a variety of reasons, progessives have had a hard time bringing this values work into the public domain. Focusing on a particular issue, like buses, is a strategic choice. The energy to pursue it, however, and turn it into a success, is rooted in those values that inspire persistence, creativity, courage and action. And very often sharing values enable people to act with unity and solidarity far more easily that agreement on this issue or that, except, of course, where the issue has become a "stand-in" for values.

On March 30, 2007 - 8:05am kozmik said:
Certainly movements form organically, which was my original point. Campaign issues should be framed in moral terms. For example, health care and the environment are certainly mainstream moral issues.

The point I'm trying make is that we've bought into the "great revolutionary leader" myth, the notion such people had the power to will movements into being.

We expect leaders to address our personal issues and make them real by their "leader" power. So your issue only has 10% popularity nationwide? A good leader can fix that with a great speech, right? If only they'd have the "balls" right?

So, politics becomes infantile. My issues. My agenda. No compromise. No pragmatism. No responsibility for the movement's lack of success.

That forces politicians to triangulate between special interests, juggling many balls, instead of what they should be doing: focusing on core issues with broad popular support and framing them in a moral/pragmatic/inspiring language. It's all backwards.

A president and other high offices should be the embodiment of mainstream values, for better or worse. If people don't like the mainstream values, change them.

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On March 29, 2007 - 7:10pm destor23 said:
A bit of a harrumph here and I know I'm "concern trolling" a bit by saying this, but...

The two great organizers had an exchange, where they rapidly responded to each other, and when I joined it... nothing.

And... this is kind of a problem here at TPM, where the featured commentators don't engage with the people they're writing for...

...it's also of particular importance here where two people who organize folks for a living don't acknowledge a comment from somebody who they, I dunno, might want to organize.

I'm glad I got to read their exchange but, for their own purposes, they might as well have been emailing each other.

I should give some benefit of the doubt, of course. They're busy and can't answer every post. But, seeing this exchange highlighted on TPM Main kind of set me off.

Just kind of looks like these two were having a private conversation for public consumption?

Maybe I'm just being a jerk about it, but... I don't think so.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com
Perhaps it's because I'm a child of the Sixties (well, more or less), but I can tell a distinctive difference between generations here. Ganz and Booth know organizing from experience. My educated guess is that kosmik and destor23 (and not just because they use nyms, not names) are children of the Internet, and know organizing from...well, from what they think it should be.

Notice the language of destor and kosmik is all abstraction and theory. They sound almost like college freshman arguing "the big issues" of life in a dorm room at 2 a.m. And when destor23 can't get a word in edgewise because, quite honestly, he/she is not even in the same conversation with Booth and Ganz (rather, again, like an impertinent freshman who won't listen to two professors engage a subject, but insists on being a peer in their education conversation), it's their fault. I'm being harsh, I know, but sometimes a little harshness is called for. "Those who have ears had better listen!"

It is one thing to talk about how people ought to behave, another to organize them to put their bodies where their principles are. Booth and Ganz are discussing the latter, destor23 and kosmik the former. One is theory, the other: reality. And the reality is, and remains, that blogging does not equal organizing. Commenting on a blog, or writing your own, does not equal the civil rights movement, or the anti-war movement, of the '60's. Drawing people to your blog, or engaging a lot of like-minded people in the comments section of a blog, is not even on the same playing field, as putting your body on the line for what you believe, and convincing other people the time has come to put their bodies on the line with you.

Well, that's one note, but not the one I came here for. I picked up as much of that conversation as I thought would fit, and read the last comment after I'd pasted it here. What actually piqued my interest, though, was the discussion of values as a motivator, as a purpose for action. And what I notice in the contrast of generations (a presumptive one, I know, but a fair presumption, I think) is the assumption by the "older" generation that values matter to people, and the presumption by the "younger" generation that it really is, contrary to the complaint raised by Ganz and Booth, all about marketing:

I don't mean to diminish the hardship and achievement of blacks and the civil rights movement, but without factoring in the larger environment of white America, it's like discounting the weather and kindling, wet or dry, when trying to build a campfire.

It seems this abstract debate tends to polarize between charismatic leaders with great rhetorical skills "willing into existence" movements on one hand, and oafish triangulation wonks incapable of providing a compelling narrative, on the other. We'd all like to have a charismatic leader to will out own personal issues into a movement, a personal god to pray to.

In reality, charismatic leaders tend to culminate movements which have already achieved a critical mass of like-minded voters, at least in spirit, if not yet in the details. Such powerful movements emerge in a million little mysterious ways in the culture.
There is, in that observation, a curious admixture of Hegel and Kierkegaard that I've noticed more than once on the web, in blogs and blog comments. The Kierkegaardian side is that we are all individuals and we all make up our own minds about things, that we stand alone and responsible for what we think and do (push that far enough you end up with Sartre's individual trembling before the encounter with nothingness. But notice the conversation never approaches going that far.). The Hegelian side is that we are all still creatures of a a mysterious zeitgeist which "emerge[s] in a million little mysterious ways in the culture." So "movements" are something that just happen, which "charismatic leaders" just happen to latch on to. The parade was already there, in other words, and Martin Luther King, Jr. just happened to race out in front of it first.

For starters, I'm guessing this is a person who has never even heard of, much less read, Taylor Branch's three volume work on "America during the King Years" (that's the subtitle to all three volumes). But the reason I am aure this person is part of the "Internet" generation, is the sheer ignorance of this statement (small wonder Ganz and Booth politely ignored these comments). Doing the smallest amount of reading into the Civil Rights Movement (read only King's "Letter from Birmingham Jail") and only the most obtuse reader would miss the fact that King was not a single charismatic leader of a vast movement, but one of many. In fact, he was the person chosen by the leadership to represent them, but to imply in any way that he was merely a figurehead or a self-aggrandizer (of which, sadly, we have had far too many on far too many social issues since Dr. King's death. John Lewis is one of the few truly admirable public figures left from those days, and Jimmy Carter is the lone example of truly selfless devotion to the public good, the international public good at that, whom I can think of just now, at least among Americans.), is well, it's embarassingly ignorant.

But that's the kind of "analysis" I come across on the web more and more (admittedly, my journeying is not broad; perhaps I'm hanging out in the wrong virtual neighborhoods). "Values", in this weltanschaaung, are merely those things that serve the goal of obtaining power. And that's the gap which divides Boothe and Ganz from destor23 and kosmik: not that the former are moral paragons and the latter benighted heathens, but that the "older" generation understands the value of good for the sake of good, and the "younger" generation understands values only insofar as they achieve political goals, which means: acquiring power.

Karl Rove would be so proud.

But it isn't all because of Karl Rove. Rove isn't that powerful, isn't that influential, isn't that important. In the end, his influence on world affairs will be less signficant than that of George W. Bush (who is a more venial and small-minded person than he's usually given credit for; Iago was considered a genial and trustworthy fellow by every character in "Othello," too) and Dick Cheney. Rove is just a symbol, here, but he is as perfectly an example of valuelessness as the comments of kosmik here. No, the fault is in the assumptions, assumptions fueled in part by the technology that makes it possible for me to say this, and you to read it. Technology, of course, is morally neutral. It has no moral agency, no responsibility, no will, no ability to act. It is a tool only. It responds to our decisions about how to use it. That is what it is for. But the Greeks who gave us the word techne understood it was merely the work of hands. We are the ones who have tried to make it the work of our hearts. "O machine! O machine!" If there is a whirlwind to be reaped, it is not solely because of George W. Bush or Karl Rove or the corrupt GOP. We have to look in the mirror to see who is responsible for that. It isn't the zeitgeist which did this: it's us.

Take this statement, for instance, by Ganz: "Leaders and their constituencies interact." No one who has not had a leadership role can possibly understand how true this is. Those who are not leaders look at the leaders and imagine, project, presume, all manner of power and authority flows from that position. Looking to it, we either ignore it, envy it, or seek to gain some benefit from it. But we usually imagine it exists apart from us, and often (when we don't get what we want from the leader) in spite of us. That's the attitude displayed here by kosmik and destor23: they don't have a clue what "leadership" involves.

When Jesus said: "The greatest of all shall be least and servant of all," it could be (and I'm sure has been) taken as "management advice"(in America today we tend to equate leadership with management. It's a false and debilitating understanding of the concept, but that's yet another topic.) It's not at all what he meant when applied to Ganz' comment, but it's a useful entry point to the issue. Leadership is a reciprocal relationship. Even the fiercest tyrant only rules because the people, at some level, permit him to, whether the people are a mass of disinterested "proles" (1984) or a military force willing to engage in criminal acts in order to secure their comfort and position. No leader rules alone, and it isn't a mysterious zeitgeist that puts him in power of keeps him there. No leader who doesn't understand he is also a servant, at least to some group, lasts long in the position of leader. Contrast the idea that leaders somehow find movements which they can lead, with what Heather Booth says (which neither kosmik nor destor23 seem capable of comprehending, because they never address it):

Montgomery exploded because of the enormous pent up frustration, the rise of an African American population with some resources (to ride the buses and some with cars as an alternative), with a taste of rights (from the army and the network of civil rights groups and churches to provide organization).

Movement and organization, undergirded by courage and action and organizing is a center piece for the change we want to see. And how we build in the periods when there is not movement is also a test (and testimony) to the strategy and skills we have learned that help us endure and win.
But is blogging about enduring and winning? Or is it about the next news story, the next outrage, the next topic we can all gum to death in the comfort and self-assurance of being surrounded by people of like mind in the comment posts, while we all gang up in righteous wrath against the "trolls" who either want to argue with us, or who just don't quite hold to the opinion du jour on that blog? And notice how Ganz deftly draws other resources into the discussion, resources no one else mentions again:

Dear "thosethingswesay",

The motivation to change the world - what Walter Bruggemann calls the prophetic imagination - emerge from two sources: the experience of injustice and the experience of hope. We experience information about injustice and hope emotionally because that is how we percieve value -- not as a concept, but as a feeling.

And it is values that moves us to act, that answer the question of "why" it matters, why its worth it, why we must. We share values information most often through stories. On the other hand, we process information about " how" we can act to achieve outcomes, our strategy, conceptually, analytically, and creatively.

Getting somewhere takes both the heart, which moves us to want what we want, and the head, which tells us how we can get what we want - whether desegregating buses, putting a man on the moon, electing a president or making war or peace. We also need the hands, the practical skills.

But values differ. I hear you referring to a set of values which are not your own. But other values matter too -- like equality, dignity, compassion, tolerance, generosity and so forth.

The problem has been that one side knows how to speak in terms of values (why) while the other side seems to know only how to speak in terms of concepts (how) (think in terms of the presidential debates). And the side that knows how to build on its its values has been winning.
I happen to agree with that, of course. It's the line Pastor Dan would pursue as well. But I still find that conclusion a bit vague, and a bit limiting. Walter Brueggemann would not be satisfied with shifting the conversation from "how" to "why." The prophets Brueggemann studies and learns from demanded justice, not a better way of talking about the problems that led to the Exile. They denounced social structures, suffered themselves for what happened, suffered for what they had to say, defied power and lived their lives as examples of what God and God's justice (which, they said, both came from God, and was God's order for the world, an order broken by human selfishness). Not to jump all over Ganz, either, but I feel, again and again, that these issues are so much larger than a blog post can contain. And that, ultimately, is the problem. Words trapped on paper have great power, great value: how else would I know about Archbishop Romero, or the courage of Dorothy Day, the sayings of the Desert Fathers, the wisdom of Thomas Merton? How else would I learn about liberation theology or the Rule of St. Benedict?

But words are lifeless things, too. And the words an essay can contain, a gospel, a book....these words are too large, and too long, for a blog post. Who would read Dr. King's famous letter if he had posted it on a website, rather than smuggling it out of jail on scraps of paper to be published? I'm not sure I would, and I write blog posts that surely set some record for blogging verbosity. I suppose there is some value in that, but not, I think, very much. We speak a lot in blogs of "why", and we speak a lot to "how." But in this destor23 was right, and no one picked up on it, either:

You wind up with Hillary Clinton and Joe Lieberman fretting about violent video games and threatening free speech in the process. With Chuck Schumer advocating an internet porn tax.
That is how politicians discuss values; and it was as true during the Civil Rights movement as it is today. It isn't that we need our politicans discussing values (pace Ganz), it is that we ourselves need to reconsider our values. There is still been no nationwide outrage over the treatment of prisoners in Guantanamo, or the allegations and evidence of torture, or "extraordinary rendition" and other police-state tactics, even of the revelations of illegal wiretapping and FBI investigations. Perhaps the media is right, an the elections in November were merely a referendum on the war, and everyone has forgotten the debacle of the Gulf Coast after Katrina. Perhaps. We cannot look to the politicans to know what we think.

And I'm not sure we can look to the blogs, either. We need a more personal form of contact, and one that is more persistently personal than comments, or blog posts, or even "blog cons." Some of that is getting done, of course. But is there more we can do to move beyond the machine, and toward our common humanity?

He started it

but nobody laughed. Or cried. Or, apparently, listened:


Bush made a surprising reference to the blogosphere during a spirited defense of his war strategy on Wednesday. The mention seemed even more unusual because the president didn't identify whom he was quoting, so he seemed to be leaning on anonymous commentary.

"They have bloggers in Baghdad, just like we've got here,” Bush told the National Cattlemen's Beef Association.

Then he began to quote: “Displaced families are returning home, marketplaces are seeing more activity, stores that were long shuttered are now reopening. We feel safer about moving in the city now. Our people want to see this effort succeed.”

His point was that Iraqi people are seeing signs of progress – and what better example of their unbridled expression than blogs.
Except. of course: what do blogs know?


The continuing violence and instability in Iraq has forced an ever-greater number of Iraqis to flee and seek refuge in neighboring countries. However, these countries, particularly Jordan and Syria, have voiced concern that they cannot take in more Iraqi refugees indefinitely.

Humanitarian organizations and human rights groups have called on the international community to do more to help ease the strain on these countries. While the international community debates on how to deal with the crisis, the plight of the Iraqi refugees worsens.

....

The influx of Iraqi refugees into neighboring Jordan and Syria has created a massive strain on the resources of the two nations. The UNHCR has estimated that there are 700,000 Iraqi refugees in Jordan and 1.2 million in Syria. To stem the flow, authorities in both countries have imposed stricter border controls, particularly in Jordan.

Iraqis seeking to enter Jordan now must be over 40 or under 20, have sufficient funds to support themselves while staying in the kingdom, and most importantly, posses the new Iraqi passport.
That information, ironically, is from Radio Free Europe. The only domestic news report a cursory Google search turned up was about a squabble between Congress and the White House:


The Bush administration defended itself Monday against congressional charges that it is not doing enough for thousands of Iraqi refugees, including many who are at great risk because of their service to the American-led coalition in Iraq.
No mention there of any numbers at all. Not, of course, that the information can't be found:


AMY GOODMAN: Muhammad and Hiba, just two of the Iraqi refugees. They're living in Amman. Kathy Kelly, you went to Amman to work with refugees. How many, two million Iraqis?

KATHY KELLY: Sure, there are 750,000 to one million in Jordan alone, and in Syria, 850,000 to a million. And then of course, a massive humanitarian catastrophe within Iraq, where there are at least 1.9 million people that have been displaced.

AMY GOODMAN: What is happening and what about the United States? Is the United States allowing Iraqi refugees in here?

KATHY KELLY: About the time that Jen filmed her interview with Hiba, the United States State Department had issued a kind of rosy report about the programs it was undertaking with the new Iraqi refugee task force, and talked about social counseling, emergency cash and small infrastructure projects. But people that are living in Jordan have seen very little of that. And anyway, if all of the money they have allotted had been spent on Jordan alone, that would amount to $3.5 per person amongst the new population in Jordan of Iraqis forced to flee violence.

The Jordanian government is strained. It's very difficult for them to imagine trying to bring in this new population to their schools, to their hospitals. People are in grave danger of being deported. The young man who was interviewed, if he were to be discovered as having a visa that's run out, then he can be deported across the border. That trip to Baghdad is extremely risky and dangerous. And so people don't want to even produce their documents, for instance, to try to get their children into a school, even if they can afford it, because if their visa has run out they might risk deportation.

People don't have access to health care. They have basically no legal rights. And this is a situation which the United States has caused. And yet when the United Nations High Commission for Refugees asked for $60 million to alleviate some of the suffering, the United States contributed $18 million. If the US would just give a few hours worth of the money that's spent on the war, this could possibly make a significant difference.


“For the LORD your God is the God of gods and the Lord of lords, the great, the mighty, and the awesome God who does not show partiality nor take a bribe. 18 “He executes justice for the orphan and the widow, and shows His love for the alien by giving him food and clothing. 19 “So show your love for the alien, for you were aliens in the land of Egypt. 20 “You shall fear the LORD your God; you shall serve Him and cling to Him, and you shall swear by His name. 21 “He is your praise and He is your God, who has done these great and awesome things for you which your eyes have seen. 22 “Your fathers went down to Egypt seventy persons in all, and now the LORD your God has made you as numerous as the stars of heaven. Deuteronomy 10:17-22

Time was we knew, as a country, what those words meant. Now we would rather argue about homosexuals and priestly power and, apparently, consider which Presidential candidate talks about his faith "enough." But it is the loss of that moral compass that pains me more than any other. Even when the President mentions it, US media can't pay attention to it. And attention must be paid.

Excuse me. Are you Saved?

Father Jake brings up the issue of soteriology again, an issue near and dear to my theological heart. I've brought up before the anointing story in Luke. It's a fascinating story to me because it has so much to do with the question of salvation, and that question is: is salvation earned? Or is it offered?

And if it is offered, if it is a gift,it cannot be condition on an exchange. Otherwise it is not gift, it is an economic transaction, a result of a barter, an exchange. It is not fundamentally different, then, from a deal with the devil, who in folklore always bargains for one's soul. The only difference would be that, in this case, we are not bargaining with a trickster god.

Do you see where soteriology leads you when you start taking it too seriously?

Return to Never Was

The movie "Inherit the Wind" was on this week. I didn't watch it, but saw bit of it flipping channels idly. I entered when William Jennings Bryan entered the town in a triumphant parade, surrounded by white ladies singing over and over again "Gimme that Ol' Time Religion," ironically a song I associate with the African American church. The tone being set was clear: religious yahoos and know-nothings were ready to champion ignorance over science, biblical inerrancy over Darwinian observation, resolute certainty over intellectual ambiguity.

And I realized it wasn't just a bunch of crap, but that it had influenced the way we think.

Americans draw far too much of their history from movies. We are convinced that all of Texas looks like the Southern California desert where John Wayne shot his movies. Parts of the Trans-Pecos region of Texas are in the high Chihuahan desert which stretches from Mexico into New Mexico and Texas, but just as much of Texas is Louisiana pine forest. Then there's the beautiful hill country in Central Texas, the Staked Plains of the Panhandle, the great flat reaches of West Texas, and the Gulf Coastal region from Beaumont to Brownsville. If you've ever seen a Horton Foote movie ("Tender Mercies;" "Places in the Heart") you've seen the plains around Dallas/Fort Worth. San Antonio sits on a flat river bottom, while Austin, just a hundred miles north, sits on a river just against the Hill Country to the west, and the land rises up from it toward the Capitol to the north, and up again toward the south. There is no "typical" Texas, nor a "typical" Texan, and precious little of it looks anything like the movies. But when I was a child and travelled outside Texas on vacations, people I met were convinced of two things: that I had an oil derrick (they didn't even know to call it that) in my backyard, and that I rode a horse to school. Well, all the oil derricks were in Longview (they still are, but as relics, now), and while I owned a horse, I rode my bike to school. But people I met had seen movies, so they knew better.

I, too, grew up thinking "Inherit the Wind" was some kind of history, somehow true to reality. But the characters in the movie don't even carry the names of the famous protagonists William Jennings Bryan and Charles Darrow. The movie is a fictionalized account not of the "Scopes Monkey Trial" but of the dangers of McCarthyism. Which is fine, as far as it goes; but it is a gross distortion of American history and, sadly, movies are where most Americans learn their history. So while Lawrence and Lee meant to write a cautionary tale about religious belief, religious tolerance, and the dangers of anti-intellectualism, what was recieved was a picture of America "as it used to be." And many people ever since, especially since the "cultural revolution" of the late '60's (which, to be fair, Lawrence and Lee couldn't possibly have foreseen), have been consciously or unconciously using that film as a touchstone for fundamentalism and religious opposition to science.

Consider just the scene I stumbled on; the triumphant entry of the "religious" hero. It's practically an echo (if not a mockery), of the Triumphal Entry Christians will be celebrating today (Palm Sunday; and no, I don't mean the echo is intentional). Matthew Harrison Brady (William Jennings Bryan) arrives in town in an open car, surrounded by people carrying not palm leaves but placards, singing loudly and fiercely in support of their "old time religion" and just as vociferously in opposition to science. It is, in many ways, a perfect parallel to the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem for the last time, except this time, we sympathize with the Romans. But is that what really happened? Is that really how the people of Tennessee felt?

In reality, the people of Dayton were generally very kind and cordial to Darrow, who attested to this fact during the trial as follows:

"I don't know as I was ever in a community in my life where my religious ideas differed as widely from the great mass as I have found them since I have been in Tennessee. Yet I came here a perfect stranger and I can say what I have said before that I have not found upon any body's part — any citizen here in this town or outside the slightest discourtesy. I have been treated better, kindlier and more hospitably than I fancied would have been the case in the north." (trial transcript, pp. 225–226)
I don't normally quote from Wikipedia, but I'm using this to raise an issue, not to condemn this play. The article provides a useful list that gets me to my point rather more rapidly than I could do. I quote only the ones relevant to my thesis (and I do have one!):

(M) refers to the 1960 film and (P) to the published play script. (M/P) means the point appears in both versions.

(M/P) Brady, in answer to Drummond's question about the Origin of Species, says he has no interest in "the pagan hypotheses of that book". In reality, Bryan was familiar with Darwin's writings and quoted them extensively during the trial.

(M/P) Brady was opposed to Darwinism only on religious grounds. Moreover, while Bryan was a fundamentalist in his theological views, his political and economic views were quite progressive. He opposed eugenics, and rejected the way in which Social Darwinism and its doctrine of "only the strong survive" had been invoked to justify the cutthroat tactics of many a Gilded Age robber baron (industrialist).

(M/P) In answer to a question from Drummond, Brady declares that the original sin of Adam and Eve was their discovery of sexual intercourse. In reality, the confrontation between Bryan and Darrow never mentioned sex, and all forms of Christianity fully condone marital intercourse.

(M/P) When the verdict is announced, Brady protests, loudly and angrily, that the fine is too lenient. In reality, Scopes was fined the minimum the law required, and Bryan offered to pay the fine.

(M/P) Drummond is portrayed as involved in the trial out of a desire to prevent Cates from being jailed by bigots. In reality Scopes was never in danger of being jailed. In his autobiography and in a letter to H.L. Mencken, Darrow later acknowledged that he took part in the trial simply to attack Bryan and the fundamentalists.

(P) Hornbeck is depicted as an atheist. H. L. Mencken was in fact an agnostic whose writings attacked only certain aspects of Christianity, such as infant damnation, Biblical literalism, predestination, and hostility to Darwin. But he had no real quarrel with the Protestant mainstream of his day, and admired Catholic ritual. Mencken was no progressive paragon and did not trust democracy based on universal suffrage. His German sympathies were so strong that he opposed American participation in both world wars, and dismissed criticism of Hitler in the 1930s.
Nothing wrong with this, you understand; and the authors of the play even insisted their play was not history and did not pretend to be journalism. So why am I bringing this up?

Well, my interest in the play and movie began, not last night, but with Huston Smith's Why Religion Matters (New York: HarperSanFrancisco 2001). Smith is even more caustic toward the play than I think is necessary, but he provides us with several points of critique worth considering. As the Wikipedia article points out:

Despite the authors' warnings, nowadays the play is typically seen as a largely true account of the Scopes Trial and thus is taken as a documentary-drama. In reality, the Encyclopædia Britannica had no entry for the Scopes trial until 1957; the entry mentioned the successful Broadway run of Inherit the Wind, giving the impression that the play was historically accurate. American high school and college texts did not mention the Scopes trial until the 1960s, usually as an example of the conflict between science and evangelical Christianity, and often in sections discussing the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. In recent decades, school texts and encyclopedia entries have continued to take the play and film as historically accurate, claiming, for example, that during the trial, Darrow made Bryan look like a fool.

Inherit the Wind portrays the Cates/Scopes character as unfairly persecuted. In reality, although the ACLU was looking for a test case with a teacher as defendant, it was a group of Dayton businessmen who persuaded Scopes to be a defendant, hoping that the publicity surrounding the trial would help put the town back on the map and revive its ailing economy. Scopes was never in the slightest danger of being jailed.
Smith gives us a bit more useful detail on these points, contrasting history with the movie's portrayal:

In the hope of reversing three decaeds of declining population, Dayton's town fathers saw in the ACLU's search for a biology teacher to test the legality of the Tennessee law a golden opportunity to put Dayton back on the map. That its high school biology teacher was ill and incapacitated posed no problem; the football coach and general science teacher, John Scopes (who had been drafted to complete the biology course) would do. In the actual trial, Scopes testified that as substitute teacher in the second half of the course he had learned more biology from his students than they had learned from him, for at least they had had six weeks of instruction from someone who knew something about the subject.

The town fathers' strategy exceeded their wildest hopes. Over two hundred reporters alone poured into Dayton, and the trial turned out to be one of the first in America to recieve international coverage. (Smith 106)
As for Bryan, it's not quite right to consider him a fundamentalist, at least not in the modern meaning of that term. He testified during the trial that he read the Creation story in Genesis allegorically, not literally. His animosity toward Darwinism was based on his experience with 'Social Darwinism', which isn't Darwin's theory at all. As Smith notes:

Bryan was first and foremost a passionate humanitarian. He was an irrepressible evangelist for social reform, and social Darwinism (which would soon be discredited) was then in its heyday. Bryan had seen the survival-of-the-fittest theory used to defend the robber barons in America, and in Germany to justify the brutal militarism that led to World War I. This had led him to the belief that 'the Darwinian theory represents man as reaching his present perfection by the operation of the law of hate, the merciless law by which the strong crowd out and kill off the weak." (Smith, 107)
A theory that would suit the Bush Administration, for one, right down to the ground.

So Bryan was no Pat Robertson; and even H.L. Mencken was not the "H.L. Mencken" most of us think we know. History is often like that. We go with what we are told, not what we could learn from the original sources. Part of the problem there, of course, is that you end up with foolishness like Sam Harris writes. That is, you end up with some people end up believing the foolishness is history.

The fights over "intelligent design" owe more to taking "Inherit the Wind" as history, than they do to history itself. The clear perception of those who promote intelligent design and those who report on it is that the Scopes trial was about religion v. science. As Smith points out: "The reporters who covered the [Scopes] trial saw things differently. They took the confrontation to be the opening skirmish in a battle between religious fundamentalism and religious modernists that would continue." (Smith, 107) The irony is, it's become a battle between science and "know-nothings." But the "willful ignorance" Matthew Chapman finds in Dover, Pennsylvania is grounded as much in re-creating "Inherit the Wind" as it is in reality. And it is that rather tortured reality, practically a torus for most Americans (a three-dimensional object with only one surface. Mmmmm...donuts!) which has become not just the false image of religious belief, but the true belief of at least some Americans. At some point, this whole thing becomes a Mobius strip., and we find ourselves striking out in one direction and, while always going forward, eventually return to precisely where we started, the whole event conducted on one continous, flat, twisted surface. Watch the donut, not the hole.

Karen Armstrong blames much of what has happened in American religion on the Scopes Monkey Trial:

“Before the Scopes ‘monkey’ trial—when the secular press ridiculed the fundamentalists and said they had no place in the modern agenda—fundamentalist Christians had been literal in their interpretation of scripture but creation science was the preserve of a few eccentrics. After the Scopes trial, they became militantly literal and creation science became the flagship of their movement. Before the Scopes trial, fundamentalists had often been on the left of the political spectrum and had been willing to work alongside socialists and liberal Christians in the new slums of the industrializing North American cities. After the Scopes trial, they swung to the far right, where they remained. They felt humiliated by the media attack. It was very nasty. There was a sense of loss of prestige, and, above all, a sense of fear.”
I think she is much closer to the mark than Harris or Dawkins. It isn't that "creation science" has ever been a fundamental tenet of American Christian fundamentalism. It is more that the entire topic, taken in the social context of "Inherit the Wind," has been seen as a rallying point for control of public authority. The challenge in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District was not really to science, it was to control of the classroom. It was a case (as is always the case in these matters) who who would have the power to decide what truth will be accepted and acceptable. In the Kitzwiller case, for example, the defense was provided pro bono by the Thomas More Law Center, a contradiction, as Chapman notes, because:

its stated mission is "Defending the Religious Freedom of Christians," "Restoring Time-honored Family Values," and "Protecting the Sanctity of Life," which, as a biblical literalist myself, I take to mean defending such freedoms as the biblically mandated right to capture women in battle, shave their heads, lock them up for a month, rape them into matrimony (Deuteronomy 21:10), and then deny them the right to an abortion afterward.
Leaving aside the snark about abortion (one controversy at a time, please!), note the language about "Restoring Time-Honored Family Values." Sound like the position of some people in a movie, does it? I don't think that is quite an accident.

Nor, of course, is there a direct line from Lawrence and Lee's play to the Thomas More Law Center. But the images we have of our world are drawn from sources that often have nothing whatsoever to do with reality, and yet we weave those bits and pieces into a nest which we are quite sure is both safe, and sound. Consider this comment from a thread at Street Prophets:

But the danger - just watch the movie "Inherit the Wind" - some things never change - is that it seeks to institutionalize ignorance AND uses the self-aggrandizing theatricality of the revival preacher.
It's true some things never change (or even go away), and in that sense indeed human history is a Mobius strip, with only one surface although we think all three dimensional objects must have at least two. Thanks to "Elmer Gantry" and "Marjoe" and the real-life antics of people like Jim and Tammy Bakker, the prevailing opinion of "revivalist preachers" is that they are full of "self-aggrandizing theatricality." Certainly some are, while some are sincere believers in the theology and religion in which they have been raised. Easy to demonize such people; far harder to be patient and understand them. As I have been at pains to point out, this lesson from the movie has nothing to do with the reality of the Scopes Monkey Trial, or even American history before World War II, and everything to do with the culture that grew up after that war, and even more so the culture that we have created since 1960. "A Man Called Peter" portrayed a Christian evangelist as a sold, middle-class white suburbanite urging us all to good deeds and quiet good thoughts. Is it any accident that the "evangelical" preacher who found fame and fortune in front of a TV camera is a product of the post-"Inherit the Wind" environment, by using new technology to hearken us all back to a past that never was? It wasn't the people of Dayton, Tennessee in 1925 who looked longingly back to a past they needed desperately to recreate, or who sought to "institutionalize ignorance." It is fairer to say it was the people of Dover, Pennsylvania in 2005 who were doing that.

As Wikipedia notes, even H.L. Mencken wasn't the scourge of religion some would have him be today. We always read history through a lens of our own forging. The question is, what materials do we put into that lens? Consider this critique of Albert Mohler, President of Southern Theological Seminary in Lousville, Kentucky, for example:

Mohler's deity, in short, is the God of Double Standards: a God who enforces the norms and fears of a world before science, a God profoundly ignorant of or resistant to the arc of American history, which is the struggle to expand the scope of the word "men" in our founding declaration that "all men are created equal." This is a God who in earlier times was invoked to defend segregation and, before that, slavery.
But that's like reflexively comparing George W. Bush to Hitler: it's hyperbole meant to shock and demonize, not to enlighten and inform. Albert Mohler's views may truly be indefensible from intellectual scrutiny, but it's quite a stretch to impugn him as a supporter of slavery because of them. Just as it is, in the end, an error to condemn proponents of "Intelligent Design" as know-nothing yahoos who want to return us to an age of ignorance. In this Armstrong is more right than the generally accepted view of "Inherit the Wind:" the issue here is power, not information. It isn't what students will be told, but who will be allowed to tell it. And the irony is, the debate about that control is conducted in the false light of an invented history, one created by a movie. When people argue for "intelligent design" in the classrooms, or against it, they imagine they are arguing for, or against, a return to a standard or practice which we have abandoned, and the only argument is: should we have abandoned it, or should we return to it? Mohler's God, as presented by Harold Meyerson, existed side by side with the God of William Wilberforce, and one eventually crowded out the other in popular acceptance. But Mohler's God (in Meyerson's portrayal, anyway), still had to be countered with the God of Martin Luther King, Jr. Thus the struggle ever goes on; thus "The peace of God, it is no peace, but strife sown in the sod."

I realize I am making an argument which rests on "Monkey see, monkey do," but much of human behavior rests on the models our culture provides us. Much as "Inherit the Wind" can be viewed as a film presenting the idea that "...religion (equated with fundamentalism) is bigoted, closed-minded, and backward looking," it can also be viewed as a model of religious practice today. Oddly enough, it's a poor model of religious opinion in 1925, but the caricature it presented, in order to mock McCarthyism, has become the reality which Sam Harris can depict as the only true face of Christianity. Some modern supporters of "intelligent design" respond, in one way or another, to the images of women with placards marching in the street in defense of that "ol' time religion" and in opposition to "science," and they link arms across the ages to march again. It didn't happen that way, but it has now, and by re-creating what never was, we have tried to make it same as it ever was again. And the determined opposition (Dawkins and Dennett, as well as Harris; as others besides me have noted) clings to that straw figure as fervently as any true believer could. Thus do we create the enemies we would do battle with.

I began this with the idea that the problem here was with fundamentalists who have a very poor idea of their own history; who don't realize, for example, that they would consider William Jennings Bryan both a "liberal" and probably a heretic (read the link to the Mohler critique to see what a firestorm Mohler spawned with an otherwise innocuous remark). But I end it realizing the problem is with "us," and not with "them." This matter of perception cuts both ways: the presentation of those defending "that ol' time religion" becomes the model for culture wars today, even though it is a model without true historical precedent. It becomes more than a model, it becomes the framing device through which such objections are given form, are understood. But it also becomes the frame through which we, those of us who disagree, see the issues as well. Go back to that comment from Street Prophets. Look at the assumptions behind Matthew Chapman's report on "the other monkey trial." We accept the frame as well, and expect the discussion to fall into that form, the better that we can criticize it. But we don't just expect it to fit the form, we create the form and the opposition itself out of whole cloth. This is not a battle that has raged since the Enlightenment; this is the battle we have created, both of us, "us" and "them." We are just as much victims of our historical ignorance as they are; and (Matthew Chapman in English), we can't even easily blame it on American ahistoricism. We need "them" to be ignorant yahoos, the better to justify our conclusions about why we are right about this, and about everything else "they" disagree" with us on. But the more we do that, the more we link ourselves inextricably to "them." How can the truth set me free, if I insist the truth binds me to "their" ignorance?

I can't change how "they" think, and indeed, I'm not responsible for their thinking. I can only change how I think, and looking for the truth, as John's gospel tells us, I will both find it, and be set free. (Agent Mulder was right, the truth is out there! Never thought of that as a Christian message, did you?) But before I can change my thoughts, before I can go out there looking for the truth, I have to acknowledge that I am part of the problem. I have to realize that I have my "truth," too, and that it needs "their" truth in order to be a whole. But it isn't a whole, and it never will be; not so long as I fail to realize that my understanding of "them" is actually my understanding of "me," and of what I am sure is true; and probably isn't.

Aye, there's the rub.

But that was in another country

Britain, to be exact. In case you missed it, the Lancet study of deaths in Iraq was true and could be trusted, according to the British government. Well, not according to the British government officially, you understand.

The British government was advised against publicly criticising a report estimating that 655,000 Iraqis had died due to the war, the BBC has learnt.
Iraqi Health Ministry figures put the toll at less than 10% of the total in the survey, published in the Lancet.

But the Ministry of Defence's chief scientific adviser said the survey's methods were "close to best practice" and the study design was "robust".

Another statistician agreed the method was "tried and tested."
What does this mean?

If the Lancet survey is right, then 2.5% of the Iraqi population -- an average of more than 500 people a day - have been killed since the start of the war.
Couple that with this, and what else can you say but that Iraq is better off now. Right?